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2026年2月20日 星期五

The Self‑Fulfilling Prophecy of Group Psychology: How Hong Kong’s Recent History Echoes Its Annual Car‑Kung Divination

 The Self‑Fulfilling Prophecy of Group Psychology: How Hong Kong’s Recent History Echoes Its Annual Car‑Kung Divination


Over the past decade, Hong Kong’s annual Car‑Kung (Che Kung) Temple fortune‑stick draws have produced a sequence of mid‑level “middle” sticks that, read together, sketch a powerful narrative about collective psychology and self‑fulfilling expectations. When mapped onto major social and political events in each year, the sticks read less like random omens and more like a mirror of the city’s own fears, hopes, and choices—each year reinforcing the next in a psychological feedback loop.

2018: “Ancestral Fields and Every Inch of Land”

Stick 21, “Ancestral fields accumulated over years… every inch of land is worth its weight in gold,” came as Hong Kong was still grappling with extreme housing inequality and sky‑high property prices. The line about “do not despise how much or how little” fit a public increasingly aware that even small gains in housing or savings mattered. Yet the same year also saw growing anxiety that any loss of “land” (literal or symbolic) would be deeply felt, foreshadowing later protests over land‑use and housing policy. The stick’s emphasis on preserving what is already held reinforced a defensive, risk‑averse mindset: people were less willing to gamble on radical change, even as frustration simmered.

2019: “Illusory Fields and Empty Bread”

Stick 86, “Stone fields yield no harvest; painted cakes cannot feed the hungry,” arrived just before the 2019‑20 protest wave. The image of cultivating land that cannot be ploughed and eating bread that cannot nourish perfectly captured a sense that existing institutions and “reforms” were yielding little real benefit. The public mood turned toward demanding more substantive change, but the stick also warned that symbolic victories—without material outcomes—would leave people still hungry. In that sense, the prophecy was self‑fulfilling: people acted as if institutions were hollow, which in turn made them behave more cynically toward those institutions, deepening the crisis of trust.

2020: “No Need to Prove Heroism, Only Justice”

Stick 92, “Do not seek to show off heroism; what matters is fairness and justice,” appeared as the city was polarised by the 2019‑20 protests and the imposition of the National Security Law. The line about “heaven’s eye sees all” resonated with both sides: protesters saw it as a warning that injustice would eventually be judged, while authorities read it as confirmation that their actions would be vindicated over time. The stick’s call for restraint and fairness, however, was overshadowed by a collective psychology of “we must act now,” turning the warning into a justification for further escalation on both sides. Expectations of inevitable judgment hardened positions, making compromise harder and turning the prophecy into a self‑fulfilling narrative of confrontation.

2021: “Strike First, or the Fire Will Spread”

Stick 45, “Strike first with one decisive move; the world’s situation is otherwise futile… a fire under stacked firewood is not harmless,” arrived amid tightening controls, arrests, and the restructuring of Hong Kong’s political space. The advice to “act first” fit the government’s own strategy of pre‑emptive legal and administrative moves, while for civil‑society actors it suggested that delaying action would only make things worse. The image of an unseen fire under dry wood mirrored widespread fears that repression would escalate. Those fears, once widely shared, led people to interpret every new policy as part of an accelerating fire, which in turn triggered more defensive or confrontational behaviour—thus helping the prophecy come true.

2022: “Pick Up What Is Close at Hand”

Stick 38, “Others climb high for real fruit; I pick up mustard seeds from the low ground… it is better to flatter the hearth than the shrine,” warned against chasing distant, grandiose goals and instead focusing on immediate, practical gains. In 2022, as the city adjusted to a post‑2019, post‑pandemic reality, many organisations and individuals shifted from large‑scale activism to quieter, grassroots work. The stick’s message encouraged a psychology of “stay low, stay safe, and work where you can.” This mindset, once adopted by enough people, made large‑scale mobilisation less likely and helped stabilise the status quo—turning the stick’s caution into a self‑fulfilling pattern of retreat and consolidation.

2023: “Authority That Is Not True Authority”

Stick 11, “Authority that appears powerful is not true authority; it is better to exert effort within clear limits… even the High Emperor’s pavilion was eventually surrounded,” suggested that visible power structures could be fragile. The line about “advice and rules” pointed to the importance of internal discipline and restraint. In 2023, as the city’s institutions were reshaped under the National Security Law and new electoral rules, the stick resonated with a sense that formal authority could be challenged from within. At the same time, the warning against overreaching encouraged both authorities and citizens to act within narrower boundaries, reinforcing a cautious, rule‑bound culture. The prophecy thus fed a psychology of “power is temporary; stay within the lines,” which itself limited the space for bold action on either side.

2024: “Cutting Trees Before They Are Ready”

Stick 15, “Axes taken into the forest, but before the trees are mature where can one find them?… conserve strength and wait for spring,” arrived as Hong Kong’s economy and civil‑society sectors were still recovering from the pandemic and political upheaval. The image of cutting immature trees fit the sense that premature political or economic gambles would waste resources. The stick’s call to “wait for spring” encouraged patience and restraint, reinforcing a collective expectation that the current “winter” would last longer. That expectation, once widely shared, made people less willing to invest in long‑term, risky projects—thus helping to prolong the very stagnation the stick seemed to describe.

2025: “No Need for Greed, Only Integrity”

Stick 24, “If you have done no wrong in life, greed will still bring trouble… with the help of a noble person, do not waste your efforts,” appeared as Hong Kong faced a new political cycle and ongoing debates about economic recovery and social cohesion. The warning against greed and the emphasis on integrity fit a climate in which both authorities and citizens were wary of overreach and scandal. The line about “noble persons” helping to guide efforts resonated with hopes for moderate leadership. Yet the stick also implied that even well‑intentioned actions could go awry if driven by self‑interest. That fear of “greed bringing trouble” encouraged a cautious, consensus‑seeking psychology, which in turn made bold reforms harder to pass—turning the prophecy into a self‑fulfilling preference for incrementalism.


The Self‑Fulfilling Cycle of Group Psychology

Across these years, the Car‑Kung sticks function less as predictions from outside and more as psychological anchors that shape how people interpret events. Each stick offers a frame—caution, restraint, fairness, or patience—that large groups then adopt as a shared lens. Once enough people act as if that frame is true, their behaviour starts to produce the very outcomes the stick describes.

This is the essence of a self‑fulfilling prophecy in group psychology:

  • People hear a narrative (“wait for spring,” “do not show off heroism,” “greed brings trouble”).

  • They adjust their expectations and strategies accordingly.

  • Their collective actions then make that narrative come true, reinforcing the belief that the prophecy was accurate.

In Hong Kong’s case, the recurring themes of caution, restraint, and the fragility of power have helped sustain a climate of risk‑aversion and incremental change. The sticks did not cause the city’s trajectory; but they did help crystallise and reinforce the psychological mood that, in turn, shaped political and social outcomes. In that sense, the Car‑Kung divination has become part of the very cycle it appears to describe.




2026年1月14日 星期三

Continuity Without Change: Four Centuries of Labor Protest in China

 

Continuity Without Change: Four Centuries of Labor Protest in China

The long arc of Chinese labor history reveals a striking pattern: despite dramatic transformations in technology, industry, and global integration, the fundamental dynamics of worker protest have remained remarkably consistent. From the silk weavers of late‑Ming Suzhou to the factory workers of Shenzhen and Jilin, the structure, motivations, and outcomes of collective labor actions show a continuity that is difficult to ignore. This follow‑up article examines that continuity by connecting early‑modern urban craftsmen’s protests with labor movements in China over the past two decades.

Economic Pressure as the Perpetual Catalyst

Across four centuries, the most consistent trigger for labor unrest has been economic pressure. In the late Ming, inflation, tax burdens, and wage stagnation pushed silk weavers and dyers into collective resistance. Today, the pressures are different in form but similar in effect: rising living costs, wage arrears, unsafe working conditions, and the erosion of job security.

Recent Examples (2005–2025)

  • The 2010 Honda Foshan Strike Young migrant workers in Guangdong halted production across multiple Honda plants, demanding wage increases and democratic representation in workplace unions. Their demands echoed the Ming‑era weavers who petitioned for fair compensation under rising prices.

  • The Yue Yuen Shoe Factory Strike (2014) Over 40,000 workers in Dongguan protested illegal underpayment of social insurance. The scale was massive, but the core issue—employers withholding rightful compensation—was identical to the wage‑withholding disputes of Qing‑era Suzhou.

  • Jasic Technology Workers’ Movement (2018) Workers in Shenzhen attempted to form an independent union, only to face suppression. Their attempt to build autonomous labor organization mirrors the early Qing craftsmen whose informal alliances were tolerated only until they threatened state authority.

  • Delivery Drivers and Platform Workers (2020–2024) China’s gig‑economy workers have staged scattered protests over algorithmic exploitation, impossible delivery quotas, and lack of insurance. Despite new technologies, the underlying grievance—loss of control over labor conditions—remains unchanged.

Organizational Limits: From Secret Alliances to Fragmented Networks

Late‑Ming and early‑Qing craftsmen formed informal alliances, often meeting at temples, bridges, or neighborhood spaces. These groups had no legal status and were frequently suppressed. Modern Chinese workers face similar constraints: independent unions remain prohibited, and the official union structure rarely represents workers’ interests.

Continuities Across Centuries

  • No autonomous unions Early craftsmen were forbidden from establishing guild halls; modern workers cannot legally form independent unions.

  • Reliance on informal networks Ming weavers used neighborhood gatherings; today’s workers use WeChat groups.

  • Rapid mobilization but weak institutional memory Protests erupt quickly but dissolve just as fast, leaving little long‑term organizational development.

Rituals and Symbolism: Moral Protest Over Structural Change

Historical craftsmen emphasized moral legitimacy—vowing not to steal, harming only corrupt officials. Modern workers often frame their protests similarly, emphasizing legality, fairness, and basic rights rather than systemic transformation.

This moral framing reflects a deep cultural continuity: Chinese labor protests tend to be defensive, not revolutionary. They seek redress, not structural overhaul.

State Mediation: A Persistent Pattern

In the early Qing, officials often acted as mediators, balancing worker demands with the need for social stability. Violent uprisings were suppressed, but wage disputes were sometimes resolved through negotiation.

Modern China follows the same pattern:

  • Local governments intervene only when protests threaten public order.

  • Mediation is preferred over systemic reform.

  • Workers may receive short‑term concessions, but long‑term institutional change remains elusive.

Conclusion: Four Hundred Years Without Innovation

Despite enormous economic and technological change, the Chinese labor movement has evolved very little in its fundamental structure. The same patterns recur:

  • Economic pressure triggers unrest.

  • Workers organize informally but lack legal representation.

  • Protests emphasize moral legitimacy rather than systemic change.

  • The state mediates selectively, suppressing autonomy while offering temporary relief.

The result is a labor movement that, in essence, mirrors its early‑modern predecessor. Four centuries have passed, yet the core dynamics remain frozen in time—no meaningful innovation, no structural improvement, and no lasting empowerment for workers.


Urban Craftsmen and Collective Protest in the Late Ming–Early Qing: A Socio‑Economic Reappraisal

 

Urban Craftsmen and Collective Protest in the Late Ming–Early Qing: A Socio‑Economic Reappraisal

Urban China in the late Ming and early Qing witnessed a surge of collective protest actions led by craftsmen—particularly in major commercial centers such as Suzhou and Jingdezhen. These movements were not isolated eruptions of anger but deeply rooted in structural economic pressures, evolving labor relations, and the emergence of early worker organizations. By examining these protests through economic, social, and political lenses, a clearer picture emerges of how craftsmen navigated a rapidly changing world.

Economic Pressures and the Spark of Protest

The late Ming economy was marked by inflation, fluctuating silver‑to‑copper ratios, and rising living costs. Craftsmen—especially weavers and textile workers in Suzhou—were highly vulnerable to these shifts. When wages stagnated while prices soared, tensions intensified.

The situation worsened when imperial tax policies empowered eunuch‑supervised mining and tax offices to extract levies from local industries. These policies disrupted commercial networks and placed heavy burdens on artisans and merchants. In Suzhou, the combination of high silk prices, aggressive tax collection, and declining purchasing power triggered large‑scale unrest. Workers who depended on daily wages found themselves unable to survive, leading to organized resistance.

The Rise of Worker Organization

By the late Ming, craftsmen had begun forming rudimentary associations. These early groups were not formal guilds but loose alliances based on shared workplaces, neighborhoods, or trades. By the early Qing, these alliances had grown into more structured, union‑like organizations capable of mobilizing thousands of workers.

Although the government prohibited the establishment of independent guild halls, craftsmen still developed networks that facilitated communication, coordinated strikes, and provided mutual support. These organizations played a crucial role in transforming spontaneous anger into collective action.

Rituals, Symbols, and Collective Mentality

Craftsmen’s protests were not merely economic—they were cultural performances. Workers used symbolic gestures, oaths, and ritualized actions to express solidarity and moral legitimacy. These rituals reflected a transformation of elite cultural forms into tools of popular resistance.

Protesters often emphasized moral righteousness, vowing not to steal or harm innocents. Such declarations helped maintain discipline and framed their struggle as a defense of community justice rather than rebellion.

From Violence to Legal Appeals

A notable shift occurred from the late Ming to the early Qing: craftsmen increasingly turned to legal channels. Instead of relying solely on violent uprisings, workers began submitting petitions, reporting abusive employers, and demanding wage adjustments through official mediation.

This evolution suggests a growing awareness of legal rights and a strategic use of state institutions to negotiate labor disputes.

Government Response: More Than Repression

Contrary to the common assumption that Qing authorities always sided with employers, historical evidence shows a more nuanced picture. Officials often acted as mediators, balancing the interests of workers and employers to maintain social stability.

While violent uprisings were suppressed, peaceful negotiations were frequently encouraged. In many cases, officials intervened to adjust wages, regulate workshops, or punish exploitative employers.

Conclusion

The collective protests of urban craftsmen in the late Ming and early Qing were products of economic hardship, evolving labor structures, and emerging worker consciousness. These movements reveal a dynamic urban society where workers were not passive victims but active agents shaping their economic and social environment. Their actions laid early foundations for more organized labor relations in later centuries.