The Rebirth of Christian Colleges — From Mainland China to Hong Kong and Taiwan

 

The Rebirth of Christian Colleges — From Mainland China to Hong Kong and Taiwan

After 1949, when mainland China’s political landscape was transformed, all Christian universities were nationalized, and most foreign faculty expelled. These institutions — such as St. John’s University (聖約翰大學), Yenching University (燕京大學), and the University of Nanking (金陵大學) — had once served as key centers of modern Chinese education, medicine, and social thought. To preserve their intellectual and religious legacy, the United Board for Christian Higher Education in Asia supported the reestablishment of several colleges in exile — primarily in Taiwan and Hong Kong.

In Taiwan, former faculty and alumni from the University of Nanking (金陵大學), Ginling College (金陵女子大學), St. John’s University (聖約翰大學), Chekiang University (之江大學), and Soochow University (東吳大學) founded two new Christian universities in 1954: Soochow University (東吳大學) and Fu Jen Catholic University (輔仁大學). Soochow, revived under Methodist guidance, retained its motto “Unto a Full Grown Man” and upheld a liberal education ideal rooted in faith. Fu Jen, rebuilt by the Catholic Church, inherited the academic and moral vision of its pre-war Beijing predecessor. Both institutions became foundational pillars of Taiwan’s post-war higher education landscape.

In Hong Kong, the Chung Chi College (崇基學院) was founded in 1951 to accommodate displaced faculty and students from various Christian universities of China, including Yenching, West China Union University (華西協和大學), Chekiang (之江大學), Ginling (金陵大學), and South China Women’s College (華南女子文理學院). Later incorporated as one of the founding colleges of The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Chung Chi became a space where Christian humanism and Chinese scholarship coexisted, shaping a distinct cultural and academic identity.

Whether in Taipei or Hong Kong, these institutions symbolized the resilience of Christian education amid political upheaval. They carried forward the belief that faith and reason complement each other and that moral education stands at the heart of knowledge itself. In their endurance, one sees not just institutional survival, but the preservation of a moral conscience within modern Chinese history.

教會大學的浴火重生——從中國內地到香港與臺灣的信仰傳承

 

教會大學的浴火重生——從中國內地到香港與臺灣的信仰傳承

1949年後，中國大陸政權更迭，教會大學被全面收歸國有，外籍教師被迫離開。這些原本由美國、英國與歐洲宗派創辦的學府，如聖約翰大學、燕京大學、東吳大學、金陵大學與輔仁大學等，曾是近代中國教育、醫學與社會思想的重要中心。隨著局勢劇變，美國的「中國基督教大學聯合董事會」(United Board for Christian Higher Education in Asia) 為了保存這些學校的人文精神與教育使命，於五〇年代初在臺灣與香港協助復校與重建。

在臺灣，由南京金陵大學（University of Nanking）、金陵女子大學（Ginling College）、上海聖約翰大學（St. John’s University）、之江大學（Chekiang University）、東吳大學（Soochow University）等師生共同努力下，於1954年在台北創立了**東吳大學（Soochow University）與輔仁大學（Fu Jen Catholic University）**兩所教會大學。前者由美國監理會與衛理公會支持，延續「知行合一」及「敬主愛人」的校訓；後者由天主教會重建，繼承北京輔仁的學術精神與宗教教育理想。兩校皆以私立身份復校，成為戰後台灣高等教育發展的重要支柱。

同時，在香港，美國傳教士及中國基督教教育界人士於1951年成立崇基學院（Chung Chi College），以接納自中國各地來港的教會大學師生。崇基融合了多所教會學府的傳統，包括燕京大學、華西協和大學、之江大學、金陵大學、華南女子文理學院等，遂成為香港中文大學的重要書院之一。它延續了基督教教育中對人格與信仰的重視，也在殖民地教育體系中開創本土化的知識空間。

無論是在臺北的東吳與輔仁，還是在香港的崇基，這些教會大學在流離與重建的歷程中，展現了非凡的韌性。它們不僅重拾學術自由，也為戰後華人世界提供了道德導向與國際視野。正如聖經所言，信仰與知識並非對立，而是在磨難中彼此印證──教會大學的存續，正是這股信念的歷史見證。

誰弄丟了中國？怪罪五個約翰！

 誰弄丟了中國？怪罪五個約翰！

1949年中華人民共和國成立後，美國掀起一股討論熱潮，大家七嘴八舌地指責政府外交政策失敗，試圖找出到底「誰把中國弄丟了」。罪魁禍首？據說是一群「中國通」——美國外交官，他們曾主張在國共之間保持靈活政策，而不是無條件支持蒋介石的國民黨。

首先登場的是三位約翰：范宣德（John Carter Vincent）、謝偉思（John Stewart Service）和戴維斯（John Paton Davies）。這些在北京駐紮過的外交老手警告華盛頓，無條件挺蒋是自找麻煩。他們的下場？麥卡錫參議員指控他們是共產主義同謀、美國對華政策崩盤的元兇。媒體見機不可失，大肆炒作「三個約翰弄丟中國」醜聞。

但押韻還沒完。哈佛教授費正清（John King Fairbank）在1946年9月的《大西洋月刊》上發表《美國在中國的機會》，直球提問：美國在内戰中支持國民黨政府是否明智？答案？他明確說「不」。當麥卡錫獵巫行動波及費正清，小報立刻升級：「四個約翰弄丟中國！」

高潮來了。記者馬若德（Mark Gayn）問費正清對「四個約翰」有何看法，教授笑答：「我覺得不是四個約翰，是五個約翰弄丟了中國！」馬若德追問：「第五個是誰？」費正清眨眼：「John Kai-shek。」這是對蒋介石（Chiang Kai-shek）的絕妙諧音惡搞。

這段荒唐歷史捕捉了麥卡錫主義的偏執，細膩觀點動輒遭清算。但費正清的機智提醒我們：真正的「丟失」，或許在於美國的僵硬立場。輕鬆歷史的最佳寫照——誰知指責也能這麼押韻？

Who Lost China? Blame the Five Johns!

 Who Lost China? Blame the Five Johns!

In the wake of the People's Republic of China's founding in 1949, America erupted in a frenzy of finger-pointing. Diplomats and pundits scrambled to answer the burning question: Who lost China? The culprit? A supposed cabal of "China hands"—U.S. foreign service officers who dared suggest a flexible approach between Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalists and Mao Zedong's Communists, rather than blindly backing the failing Kuomintang.

Enter the original trio of Johns: John Carter Vincent, John Stewart Service, and John Paton Davies. These seasoned diplomats, fresh from postings in China, warned Washington that unconditional support for Chiang was a recipe for disaster. Their reward? Senator Joseph McCarthy branded them communist sympathizers and the architects of America's China policy flop. The press, ever eager for a catchy headline, dubbed it the "Three Johns Lost China" scandal.

But the alliteration didn't stop there. Harvard professor John King Fairbank piled on in 1946 with his Atlantic Monthly essay, "The United States in China: Opportunities and Dangers." He cheekily asked if propping up Chiang during the civil war was smart—and answered with a resounding "no." When McCarthy's witch hunt swept up Fairbank too, tabloids upgraded the tally: "Four Johns Lost China!"

Enter the punchline. When journalist Mark Gayn (often rendered as "马若德" in Chinese accounts) quizzed Fairbank on the "Four Johns" fiasco, the professor quipped: "I don't think it was four Johns—it was five!" Gayn bit: "Who's the fifth?" Fairbank grinned: "John Kai-shek," a playful jab at Chiang Kai-shek's name (蒋介石, or "Jiang Jieshi").

This silly saga captures the paranoia of McCarthyism, where nuance got you blacklisted. Yet Fairbank's wit reminds us: sometimes the real "loss" was in America's rigid stance. Light-hearted history at its finest—who knew blame could be so alliterative?

歷史的初聲：探尋「破天荒」的源流與當代演義

 歷史的初聲：探尋「破天荒」的源流與當代演義

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一、 詞源與由來

「破天荒」一詞最早出自宋代孫光憲所著的《北夢瑣言》。其核心背景是唐代的科舉制度。在當時，社會競爭激烈，特定地區若長期無人登科，會被視為文風不振。

二、 歷史故事：劉蛻打破沉寂

唐朝時期，荊南地區（今湖北一帶）的文風相對落後。自從科舉制度實施以來，該地竟然沒有人能考中進士，因此被世人譏諷為「天荒」（意指如荒地般未經開墾）。

直到唐宣宗大中四年（西元850年），當地一名才子劉蛻終於金榜題名，打破了這項尷尬的紀錄。當時的荊南節度使崔鉉極為興奮，特地撥款七十萬錢給劉蛻，稱為「破天荒錢」。劉蛻後來回覆了一封非常有骨氣的謝信，提到：「五十多來，自是人廢；一千里外，豈曰天荒？」意指人才一直都有，只是未被發掘，不應將土地冠上荒涼之名。從此，「破天荒」便成了形容「前所未有」或「第一次實現」的代名詞。

三、 當代與粵語（廣東、香港）的常見用法

雖然「破天荒」在書面語中通用，但在廣東話（粵語）與香港社會的語境下，它具備了更強烈的「戲劇性」與「破格」色彩：

1. 形容極度罕見的舉動：
   在香港，如果一個平日非常吝嗇的人突然大方請客，朋友會開玩笑說：「今日你破天荒請食飯，係咪打風呀？」（今天你竟然破天荒請客，是不是要刮颱風了？）
2. 新聞媒體的常用詞：
   港媒常用此詞來形容具有歷史意義的首例。例如：「破天荒！香港運動員首奪奧運金牌」或「兩大樂壇天王破天荒同台演出」。
3. 帶有「例外」的意味：
   在粵語溝通中，這不只是形容第一次，有時還隱含「下不為例」或「打破常規」的彈性。例如老闆對員工說：「今次破天荒俾你放長假，下次唔好喇。」（這次破天荒讓你休長假，下次別這樣了。）
4. 誇張修辭：
   在廣東地區的日常對話中，它常被用來強調某事的不可思議，語氣往往比國語（普通話）更具張力，帶有一種驚訝與調侃並存的韻味。

為何將賄賂給予者去罪化是終結全球貪腐的關鍵

 為何將賄賂給予者去罪化是終結全球貪腐的關鍵

數十年來，全球對於反貪腐的共識一直是「對稱性」：即同時懲罰行賄者與受賄者。然而，這種法律結構反而創造了一種「沉默契約」。由於雙方皆有罪，誰也沒有動力去舉報罪行。若要解決西方官僚機構及發展中國家的貪腐問題，我們必須將法律責任完全轉移至收受賄賂的一方。

打破沉默契約
當雙方都被視為罪犯時，他們便成了秘密的合夥人。如果一名公民為了獲得合法服務而被迫支付賄賂，他們一旦舉報就會面臨牢獄之災。若我們將行賄行為去罪化（或賦予豁免權），同時加重對受賄官員的處罰，行賄者就會從「共犯」轉變為潛在的「吹哨者」。官員將面臨一個恐怖的現實：每一個他索賄的對象，都可能成為舉報他的人。

回應「對稱性」的質疑
批評者認為僅懲罰一方是「不公平」的。然而，法律應優先考慮結果而非抽象的對稱。平民與國家官員之間的關係本質上就是不對稱的。官員掌握國家權力，而公民往往是勒索下的受害者。將雙方視為平等，忽視了權力動態的現實。真正的正義在於一個能有效阻止犯罪的系統，而非維持一個「公平」卻失敗的現狀。

關於「陷阱」或「釣魚執法」的爭議
反對者還擔心這會讓公民得以「陷設」或勒索官員。這種擔憂是多餘的。一個從不索賄或收賄的官員是無法被「陷設」的。如果公民主動行賄，官員的職責應是立即上報。只要嚴格規範收受方，「陷阱」就會轉化為強大的威懾力。它會迫使官員保持誠實，因為他們再也無法信任坐在對面的那個人。

透過將行賄者去罪化，我們能將公眾利益與法律保持一致，實際上是將數百萬公民轉化為分散式的反貪腐特遣部隊。

Why Decriminalizing the Bribe-Giver is the Key to Ending Global Corruption

 Why Decriminalizing the Bribe-Giver is the Key to Ending Global Corruption

For decades, the global consensus on anti-corruption has been "symmetry": punish the one who gives and the one who takes. However, this legal structure creates a "pact of silence." Since both parties are equally liable, neither has an incentive to report the crime. To resolve corruption in both Western bureaucracies and the developing world, we must shift the legal burden entirely onto the taking side.

Breaking the Pact of Silence
When both parties are criminals, they become partners in a secret. If a citizen is forced to pay a bribe for a legal service, they cannot report it without facing jail time themselves. By making the act of giving a bribe legal (or immune from prosecution) while doubling the penalty for the official who takes it, we transform the bribe-giver from an accomplice into a potential whistleblower. The official now faces a terrifying reality: every person they solicit could be the one who turns them in.

Addressing the "Symmetry" Concern
Critics argue that it is "unfair" to punish only one side. However, the law should prioritize results over abstract symmetry. The relationship between a private citizen and a state official is inherently asymmetric. The official holds the power of the state; the citizen is often a victim of extortion. Treating them as equals ignores the reality of power dynamics. True justice is found in a system that actually stops the crime, not one that maintains a "fair" but failed status quo.

The "Trap" or Entrapment Argument
Opponents also fear this would allow citizens to "trap" or blackmail officials. This concern is misplaced. An official who never solicits or accepts a bribe cannot be "trapped." If a citizen offers an unsolicited bribe, the official’s duty is to report it immediately. If the taking side is strictly regulated, the "trap" becomes a powerful deterrent. It forces honesty because the official can no longer trust the person across the table.

By decriminalizing the giver, we align the interests of the public with the law, effectively turning millions of citizens into a decentralized anti-corruption task force.