Continuity Without Change: Four Centuries of Labor Protest in China

 

Continuity Without Change: Four Centuries of Labor Protest in China

The long arc of Chinese labor history reveals a striking pattern: despite dramatic transformations in technology, industry, and global integration, the fundamental dynamics of worker protest have remained remarkably consistent. From the silk weavers of late‑Ming Suzhou to the factory workers of Shenzhen and Jilin, the structure, motivations, and outcomes of collective labor actions show a continuity that is difficult to ignore. This follow‑up article examines that continuity by connecting early‑modern urban craftsmen’s protests with labor movements in China over the past two decades.

Economic Pressure as the Perpetual Catalyst

Across four centuries, the most consistent trigger for labor unrest has been economic pressure. In the late Ming, inflation, tax burdens, and wage stagnation pushed silk weavers and dyers into collective resistance. Today, the pressures are different in form but similar in effect: rising living costs, wage arrears, unsafe working conditions, and the erosion of job security.

Recent Examples (2005–2025)

• The 2010 Honda Foshan Strike Young migrant workers in Guangdong halted production across multiple Honda plants, demanding wage increases and democratic representation in workplace unions. Their demands echoed the Ming‑era weavers who petitioned for fair compensation under rising prices.

• The Yue Yuen Shoe Factory Strike (2014) Over 40,000 workers in Dongguan protested illegal underpayment of social insurance. The scale was massive, but the core issue—employers withholding rightful compensation—was identical to the wage‑withholding disputes of Qing‑era Suzhou.

• Jasic Technology Workers’ Movement (2018) Workers in Shenzhen attempted to form an independent union, only to face suppression. Their attempt to build autonomous labor organization mirrors the early Qing craftsmen whose informal alliances were tolerated only until they threatened state authority.

• Delivery Drivers and Platform Workers (2020–2024) China’s gig‑economy workers have staged scattered protests over algorithmic exploitation, impossible delivery quotas, and lack of insurance. Despite new technologies, the underlying grievance—loss of control over labor conditions—remains unchanged.

Organizational Limits: From Secret Alliances to Fragmented Networks

Late‑Ming and early‑Qing craftsmen formed informal alliances, often meeting at temples, bridges, or neighborhood spaces. These groups had no legal status and were frequently suppressed. Modern Chinese workers face similar constraints: independent unions remain prohibited, and the official union structure rarely represents workers’ interests.

Continuities Across Centuries

• No autonomous unions Early craftsmen were forbidden from establishing guild halls; modern workers cannot legally form independent unions.

• Reliance on informal networks Ming weavers used neighborhood gatherings; today’s workers use WeChat groups.

• Rapid mobilization but weak institutional memory Protests erupt quickly but dissolve just as fast, leaving little long‑term organizational development.

Rituals and Symbolism: Moral Protest Over Structural Change

Historical craftsmen emphasized moral legitimacy—vowing not to steal, harming only corrupt officials. Modern workers often frame their protests similarly, emphasizing legality, fairness, and basic rights rather than systemic transformation.

This moral framing reflects a deep cultural continuity: Chinese labor protests tend to be defensive, not revolutionary. They seek redress, not structural overhaul.

State Mediation: A Persistent Pattern

In the early Qing, officials often acted as mediators, balancing worker demands with the need for social stability. Violent uprisings were suppressed, but wage disputes were sometimes resolved through negotiation.

Modern China follows the same pattern:

• Local governments intervene only when protests threaten public order.

• Mediation is preferred over systemic reform.

• Workers may receive short‑term concessions, but long‑term institutional change remains elusive.

Conclusion: Four Hundred Years Without Innovation

Despite enormous economic and technological change, the Chinese labor movement has evolved very little in its fundamental structure. The same patterns recur:

• Economic pressure triggers unrest.

• Workers organize informally but lack legal representation.

• Protests emphasize moral legitimacy rather than systemic change.

• The state mediates selectively, suppressing autonomy while offering temporary relief.

The result is a labor movement that, in essence, mirrors its early‑modern predecessor. Four centuries have passed, yet the core dynamics remain frozen in time—no meaningful innovation, no structural improvement, and no lasting empowerment for workers.

Urban Craftsmen and Collective Protest in the Late Ming–Early Qing: A Socio‑Economic Reappraisal

 

Urban Craftsmen and Collective Protest in the Late Ming–Early Qing: A Socio‑Economic Reappraisal

Urban China in the late Ming and early Qing witnessed a surge of collective protest actions led by craftsmen—particularly in major commercial centers such as Suzhou and Jingdezhen. These movements were not isolated eruptions of anger but deeply rooted in structural economic pressures, evolving labor relations, and the emergence of early worker organizations. By examining these protests through economic, social, and political lenses, a clearer picture emerges of how craftsmen navigated a rapidly changing world.

Economic Pressures and the Spark of Protest

The late Ming economy was marked by inflation, fluctuating silver‑to‑copper ratios, and rising living costs. Craftsmen—especially weavers and textile workers in Suzhou—were highly vulnerable to these shifts. When wages stagnated while prices soared, tensions intensified.

The situation worsened when imperial tax policies empowered eunuch‑supervised mining and tax offices to extract levies from local industries. These policies disrupted commercial networks and placed heavy burdens on artisans and merchants. In Suzhou, the combination of high silk prices, aggressive tax collection, and declining purchasing power triggered large‑scale unrest. Workers who depended on daily wages found themselves unable to survive, leading to organized resistance.

The Rise of Worker Organization

By the late Ming, craftsmen had begun forming rudimentary associations. These early groups were not formal guilds but loose alliances based on shared workplaces, neighborhoods, or trades. By the early Qing, these alliances had grown into more structured, union‑like organizations capable of mobilizing thousands of workers.

Although the government prohibited the establishment of independent guild halls, craftsmen still developed networks that facilitated communication, coordinated strikes, and provided mutual support. These organizations played a crucial role in transforming spontaneous anger into collective action.

Rituals, Symbols, and Collective Mentality

Craftsmen’s protests were not merely economic—they were cultural performances. Workers used symbolic gestures, oaths, and ritualized actions to express solidarity and moral legitimacy. These rituals reflected a transformation of elite cultural forms into tools of popular resistance.

Protesters often emphasized moral righteousness, vowing not to steal or harm innocents. Such declarations helped maintain discipline and framed their struggle as a defense of community justice rather than rebellion.

From Violence to Legal Appeals

A notable shift occurred from the late Ming to the early Qing: craftsmen increasingly turned to legal channels. Instead of relying solely on violent uprisings, workers began submitting petitions, reporting abusive employers, and demanding wage adjustments through official mediation.

This evolution suggests a growing awareness of legal rights and a strategic use of state institutions to negotiate labor disputes.

Government Response: More Than Repression

Contrary to the common assumption that Qing authorities always sided with employers, historical evidence shows a more nuanced picture. Officials often acted as mediators, balancing the interests of workers and employers to maintain social stability.

While violent uprisings were suppressed, peaceful negotiations were frequently encouraged. In many cases, officials intervened to adjust wages, regulate workshops, or punish exploitative employers.

Conclusion

The collective protests of urban craftsmen in the late Ming and early Qing were products of economic hardship, evolving labor structures, and emerging worker consciousness. These movements reveal a dynamic urban society where workers were not passive victims but active agents shaping their economic and social environment. Their actions laid early foundations for more organized labor relations in later centuries.