2026年2月25日 星期三

When “Open-Ended” Visas Meet a Weary Bureaucracy – How the UK Lost Control of Legal Migration

 When “Open-Ended” Visas Meet a Weary Bureaucracy – How the UK Lost Control of Legal Migration

Over the last 20 years, several UK visa routes were designed without hard numerical caps and later became major drivers of large, largely unchecked immigration flows.

The first big shift was the post‑2004 free movement from the EU8 accession states. The Labour government chose not to impose transitional limits, assuming most workers would go to Germany or other EU economies, so no explicit numerical ceiling was written into policy. Net inflows from Eastern Europe far exceeded projections, but because free movement was rights‑based rather than quota‑based, there was no administrative “off switch” until Brexit.

Later, the points‑based system multiplied uncapped or loosely controlled categories, especially student, family, and work routes. International students could bring dependants with no overall numeric ceiling, and partner/family visas were demand‑led rather than capped; family and partner grants have at times reached historic highs. Policymakers treated these as economically or morally “self‑justifying” streams, so volume management was left to vague salary thresholds and compliance checks, not to quotas or annual limits.

Some specific schemes illustrate how weak front‑end design combined with bureaucratic culture. The Tier 1 (Entrepreneur) route, for instance, was closed in 2019 after officials concluded it attracted many weak or fraudulent business plans and delivered little innovation or job creation; monitoring was poor and the Home Office struggled to verify genuine businesses at scale. Seasonal worker and temporary routes have also expanded rapidly, with grants around 90% higher than in 2019, despite persistent concerns about enforcement capacity.

Why could an overstretched, often criticised Home Office process so many visas? Inspectors repeatedly note that once a route exists, the default is to grant the vast majority of compliant applications, even while basic casework is slow and error‑prone. Backlogs, poor triage and “not fit for purpose” culture coexist with high grant rates; complexity and delay hit individuals, but volume keeps flowing because staff are incentivised to clear work, not to question whether aggregate numbers make sense.

The deeper problem is structural: ministers pursued economic, diplomatic or rights‑based goals and deliberately avoided politically explosive hard caps. They leaned on a sluggish bureaucracy to run effectively unlimited schemes, then blamed that same bureaucracy when legal migration hit record levels. Until policy is framed around explicit volume choices, rather than only criteria and rights, any new route risks repeating the pattern of open‑ended visas administered by a system never designed to police their scale.