2025年6月4日 星期三

越出匱乏之域:制約理論何以需經濟學新典範

越出匱乏之域:制約理論何以需經濟學新典範

深探TOC與主流經濟學之哲學歧異——並闡釋TOC未能廣泛採行之因由


摘要

制約理論(Theory of Constraints,簡稱TOC),由高德拉特博士(Dr. Eliyahu Goldratt)所倡,已然在運營、供應鏈、項目管理及企業績效諸領域,展現其深遠之影響力。然儘管《目標》(The Goal)一書全球暢銷,且TOC工具初受熱烈歡迎,其在組織、政府及教育體系中之廣泛採納卻遲滯不前。眾人或歸因於變革阻力、衡量系統,抑或成本會計範式之藩籬;然本文力陳,一更深層、更結構性之衝突實存:TOC之核心假設,與傳統經濟學之主導世界觀,尤其與「匱乏」之公理及「取捨」之邏輯,根本上互不相容。此哲學性之衝突——鮮被正視——或許是TOC未能成為主流之最重大且最少被探索之緣由。欲解此結,吾人必須超越個別應用之囿限,致力發展一種新經濟學典範——其根基非繫於匱乏,而立足於系統性之流動、制約之槓桿作用,以及雙贏之邏輯。


一、 引言:昭然若揭之困惑

制約理論自問世至今逾四十載,仍為商務及系統思維中最具威力卻又未被充分利用之方法論之一。其已助無數企業提升產出,化解看似無解之衝突,並顯著改善運營績效。然而——與其潛力及實際成效形成鮮明對比——TOC仍游離於主流實踐之邊緣。

何哉?

高德拉特本人亦曾深思此問——「何以眾人讀吾書者眾,而踐行吾思想者寡?」——此問已得諸般解答:惰性、變革阻力、衡量失準、文化因素,或傳統成本會計根深蒂固之權力。凡此種種,皆有其理。

然不足以盡之。

本文主張,其根源更深,潛藏於經濟思維本身之基本假設之中——此等假設,深植於經理人、教育者及政策制定者心中,儼然無形之公理,操控著決策。

除非吾人正視此核心之意識形態錯位——TOC對取捨之摒棄與傳統經濟學對取捨之崇尚——否則TOC仍將徒受讚譽,卻難以大規模採納。


二、 核心衝突:匱乏與取捨,抑或制約與流動

此分歧之核心,實乃兩種世界觀之哲學與方法論之分裂:

🔹 傳統經濟學:

  • 以「匱乏」為公理:資源有限,慾望無窮。
  • 強調「取捨」:每一選擇皆意味著犧牲(機會成本)。
  • 採邊際分析以有效配置資源。
  • 旨在各行為主體與系統間達至均衡與平衡。

🔹 制約理論:

  • 以「系統存有制約」為假設,然此制約可被利用與提升。
  • 堅信多數取捨皆為虛假困境,源於隱藏之假設或拙劣之思維。
  • 採邏輯分析(如「蒸發雲」、「五步聚焦法」)以尋求雙贏之解。
  • 旨在非平衡,乃追求系統目標之價值流動最大化。

此非細微之差異。其代表著互不相容之本體論——即觀世界、定義問題、選擇解決方案之不同方式。

經濟學見其局限處,TOC則見其槓桿處。

經濟學接受犧牲時,TOC尋求創新。

經濟學優化局部時,TOC專注於系統之吞吐量。


三、 匱乏公理何以成教條

欲明此衝突之深廣,吾人須審視經濟學作為一門學科之歷史發展。

現代經濟學之定義——最為羅賓斯(Lionel Robbins)於1932年所闡述者——乃為:

「研究人類行為,即如何處理有限且具多重用途之稀缺資源,以滿足無限需求之科學。」

此一陳述將「匱乏」提升至公理之層次——非可供分析或質疑者,乃須被接受並圍繞其進行優化者。

其形式化了一種世界觀,其中:

  • 取捨非僅常見——乃不可避免。
  • 每項決策皆有機會成本。
  • 效率之達成,繫於有限資源之妥善配置。

匱乏 → 取捨 → 理性配置 → 均衡 → 效率

此遂成為經濟學思維之基石,亦延伸為幾乎所有商業教育、公共政策及決策之思維模型。


四、 TOC之挑戰:取捨常乃幻象

與之形成鮮明對比,TOC主張,多數衝突皆可邏輯化解,無須犧牲。其核心工具「蒸發雲」(Evaporating Cloud),即明確旨在挑戰取捨——而非優化之。

TOC之邏輯:

  • 每個系統皆有一制約。
  • 多數績效差距乃因制約管理不善,而非匱乏。
  • 衝突常源於無效之假設,而非內在對立。
  • 聚焦、槓桿運用及排序——而非妥協——乃突破性成果之關鍵。

在TOC中,目標非分派有限之餅片,乃透過移除制約而擴大餅體。匱乏遂成待解之題,而非應受之境。

此非一廂情願之思。此乃邏輯。此乃方法。此乃經證實者。

其與傳統經濟學之知識結構,徑直衝突。


五、 成本會計何以較易攻克

高德拉特對成本會計之抨擊,力道強勁且必要——然其為戰術性,而非存亡性。

成本會計乃衡量之法。匱乏與取捨,則為哲學之第一原則。

以吞吐量會計取代成本會計,變革吾人於企業內部決策之方式。然挑戰匱乏與取捨,則改變吾人對所有系統——包括公共政策、教育與醫療——之選擇、價值與可能性之思維。

此非僅為一更佳之衡量標準。此乃一不同之形而上學。

而此乃一更艱難之戰役。


六、 此典範衝突何以解釋缺乏採納

每項TOC之實施,終將觸及一堵牆。非技術之牆——乃思想之牆:

「吾等預算不足以兼顧兩項倡議。」

「吾等須優化各部門以求效率。」

「鑒於吾等之制約,此已是吾等所能為之最佳。」

此非物流之結論。此乃偽裝之經濟教條。

絕大多數決策者自教育之始,便被訓練以匱乏與取捨之角度思維。即使彼等深愛《目標》一書,在實踐中亦無意識地歸於此邏輯。

除非此典範被系統性地、結構性地挑戰,否則TOC仍將是一組卓越之工具,卻與主導之經濟邏輯衝突——受人敬仰,卻遭邊緣化。


七、 邁向新經濟學:從匱乏到制約

吾人所需者,乃一新經濟學典範——其特點如下:

傳統經濟學新TOC基於之經濟學
始於匱乏始於系統目標
假定取捨假定雙贏為可能
優化配置專注制約之槓桿作用
尋求均衡尋求流動之改善
採邊際分析採邏輯因果分析
最大化效用最大化朝向目標之吞吐量

此新經濟學——或可稱之為「制約經濟學」或「流動經濟學」——非全然否定匱乏,然將其作為決策之主導視角,則降其優先級。

其將優先考慮:

  • 系統層面之思維
  • 動態槓桿作用而非靜態配置
  • 衝突化解之邏輯
  • 突破性績效,而非邊際收益

且其將為政策、教育及策略提供一替代之基礎。


八、 何為下一步?

欲達此轉變,吾人需:

  • 清晰闡明TOC所蘊含之經濟哲學。
  • 一批經濟學家與系統思想家,願挑戰基本假設。
  • 連結TOC邏輯與經濟理論之正式模型。
  • 基於新典範之案例研究、教學工具及政策框架。
  • 一致行動,以重新定義經濟學教育。

此非一夕可成。然首要之務,乃點明真正之問題:

TOC之最大障礙,非文化或阻力。

乃匱乏與取捨之經濟教條。

除非吾人正視此點,否則TOC仍將強大——且邊緣化。


結論:真正之制約乃吾人思維之方式

高德拉特言之有理:終極之制約,非市場、非機器、非預算。

乃吾人用以構建選擇之思維模型。

傳統經濟學始告吾人:吾人不可兼得——故吾人從不嘗試。TOC則告吾人:尋找吾人未曾質疑之假設——故吾人為之。

欲實踐TOC之承諾,吾人必須深及工具之外,挑戰其公理。

是時候超越匱乏了。

是時候不僅改變管理方式——更要改變思維方式了。


Beyond Scarcity: Why the Theory of Constraints Demands a New Economics Paradigm

Beyond Scarcity: Why the Theory of Constraints Demands a New Economics Paradigm

Understanding the deeper philosophical split between TOC and mainstream economics — and why it explains the failure of widespread TOC adoption


Abstract

The Theory of Constraints (TOC), introduced by Dr. Eliyahu Goldratt, has demonstrated profound impact in operations, supply chains, project management, and business performance. Yet despite the global success of The Goal and the enthusiastic initial reception of TOC tools, widespread adoption across organizations, governments, and educational systems has stalled. While many cite resistance to change, measurement systems, or cost accounting paradigms as barriers, this paper argues that a deeper and more structural conflict exists: TOC's core assumptions are fundamentally incompatible with the dominant worldview of traditional economics, particularly the axiom of scarcity and the logic of tradeoffs. This philosophical clash — rarely acknowledged — may be the most significant and underexplored reason why TOC has not become mainstream. To resolve this, we must go beyond isolated applications and commit to the development of a new economics paradigm — one grounded not in scarcity, but in systemic flow, constraint leverage, and win-win logic.


1. Introduction: A Puzzle Hidden in Plain Sight

More than four decades after its introduction, the Theory of Constraints remains one of the most powerful yet underutilized methodologies in business and systems thinking. It has helped thousands of companies increase throughput, resolve seemingly intractable conflicts, and dramatically improve operational performance. And yet — in stark contrast to its promise and practical effectiveness — TOC remains on the margins of mainstream practice.

Why?

This question, famously posed by Goldratt himself — “Why do so many read my books and so few implement the ideas?” — has been addressed in many ways: inertia, resistance to change, measurement misalignment, cultural factors, or the entrenched power of traditional cost accounting. All of these have some merit.

But they are not sufficient.

This paper argues that the root cause lies deeper, in the foundational assumptions of economic thinking itself — assumptions so deeply internalized by managers, educators, and policymakers that they operate invisibly as mental axioms.

Until we address this core ideological mismatch — TOC's rejection of tradeoffs and traditional economics' worship of them — we will continue to see TOC admired but rarely adopted at scale.


2. The Core Conflict: Scarcity and Tradeoffs vs. Constraints and Flow

At the heart of the divide lies a philosophical and methodological split between two worldviews:

🔹 Traditional Economics:

  • Begins with the axiom of scarcity: resources are limited, desires are infinite.

  • Emphasizes tradeoffs: every choice implies a sacrifice (opportunity cost).

  • Uses marginal analysis to allocate resources efficiently.

  • Aims for equilibrium and balance across actors and systems.

🔹 Theory of Constraints:

  • Begins with the assumption that systems have constraints, but these can be exploited and elevated.

  • Believes that most tradeoffs are false dilemmas, caused by hidden assumptions or poor thinking.

  • Uses logical analysis (e.g., Evaporating Cloud, Five Focusing Steps) to find win-win solutions.

  • Aims not for balance, but for maximum flow of value toward the system’s goal.

These are not small differences. They represent mutually incompatible ontologies — different ways of viewing the world, defining problems, and choosing solutions.

Where economics sees limits, TOC sees leverage.
Where economics accepts sacrifice, TOC searches for innovation.
Where economics optimizes parts, TOC focuses on system throughput.


3. How the Scarcity Axiom Became Dogma

To understand the depth of this conflict, we must examine the historical development of economics as a discipline.

The modern definition of economics — most famously articulated by Lionel Robbins in 1932 — is:

“The science which studies human behavior as a relationship between ends and scarce means which have alternative uses.”

This statement elevated scarcity to the level of an axiom — not something to be analyzed or questioned, but something to be accepted and optimized around.

It formalized a worldview in which:

  • Tradeoffs are not just common — they are inescapable.

  • Every decision has an opportunity cost.

  • Efficiency is achieved through proper allocation of limited resources.

Scarcity → Tradeoffs → Rational Allocation → Equilibrium → Efficiency

This became the foundation of economic thinking, and by extension, the mental model of nearly all business education, public policy, and decision-making.


4. The TOC Challenge: Tradeoffs Are Often Illusions

In stark contrast, TOC asserts that most conflicts can be logically resolved without sacrifice. Its core tool, the Evaporating Cloud, is explicitly designed to challenge tradeoffs — not optimize them.

TOC’s logic:

  • Every system has a constraint.

  • Most performance gaps are due to poor management of the constraint, not scarcity.

  • Conflict often arises from invalid assumptions, not from inherent opposition.

  • Focus, leverage, and sequencing — not compromise — are the keys to breakthrough results.

In TOC, the goal is not to distribute limited pie slices, but to expand the pie by removing the constraint. Scarcity becomes a problem to solve, not a condition to accept.

This is not wishful thinking. It’s logic. It’s method. It’s proven.

And it is in direct conflict with the intellectual structure of traditional economics.


5. Why Cost Accounting Was an Easier Battle

Goldratt's attack on cost accounting was powerful and necessary — but it was tactical, not existential.

Cost accounting is a method of measurement. Scarcity and tradeoffs are philosophical first principles.

Replacing cost accounting with Throughput Accounting changed how we make decisions within firms. But challenging scarcity and tradeoffs changes how we think about choice, value, and possibility across all systems — including public policy, education, and health care.

This is not just a better metric. It is a different metaphysics.

And that is a much harder battle.


6. Why This Paradigm Clash Explains the Lack of Adoption

Every TOC implementation eventually runs into a wall. Not a technical wall — but a mental one:

  • “We don’t have the budget for both initiatives.”

  • “We need to optimize each department for efficiency.”

  • “This is the best we can do given our constraints.”

These are not logistical conclusions. They are economic dogmas in disguise.

The vast majority of decision-makers have been trained to think in terms of scarcity and tradeoffs from the first day of their education. Even those who love The Goal unconsciously default to this logic in practice.

Until this paradigm is challenged systematically and structurally, TOC will remain a brilliant set of tools that clash with the dominant economic logic — admired, but sidelined.


7. Toward a New Economics: From Scarcity to Constraints

What we need is a new economic paradigm — one that:

Traditional Economics New TOC-Based Economics
Starts from scarcity Starts from the system goal
Assumes tradeoffs Assumes win-win is possible
Optimizes allocation Focuses on leverage of constraints
Seeks equilibrium Seeks improved flow
Uses marginal analysis Uses logical cause-effect analysis
Maximizes utility Maximizes throughput toward the goal

This new economics — call it Constraint Economics or Flow Economics — would not reject scarcity entirely, but would deprioritize it as the defining lens for decision-making.

It would prioritize:

  • System-level thinking

  • Dynamic leverage over static allocation

  • Conflict resolution logic

  • Breakthrough performance, not marginal gains

And it would offer an alternative foundation for policy, education, and strategy.


8. What Must Happen Next

To make this shift, we need:

  • A clear articulation of the economic philosophy implied by TOC

  • A group of economists and systems thinkers willing to challenge foundational assumptions

  • Formal models that bridge TOC logic with economic theory

  • Case studies, teaching tools, and policy frameworks based on the new paradigm

  • A concerted movement to redefine economic education

This will not happen overnight. But the first step is to name the real problem:

TOC’s greatest obstacle is not culture or resistance.
It is the economic dogma of scarcity and tradeoffs.

Until we face that, TOC will remain powerful — and marginalized.


Conclusion: The Real Constraint Is the Way We Think

Goldratt was right: the ultimate constraint is not the market, or the machine, or the budget.

It is the mental model we use to frame our choices.

Traditional economics begins by telling us we can’t have it all — and so we never try. TOC tells us to find the assumptions we haven't questioned — and so we do.

To fulfill the promise of TOC, we must go deeper than tools and challenge the axioms.

It is time to go beyond scarcity.

It is time to think differently — not just manage differently.


2025年6月3日 星期二

The Tyranny of Superficial Freedoms: Karl Kraus, Shang Jun Shu, and Modern Societal Control

 

The Tyranny of Superficial Freedoms: Karl Kraus, Shang Jun Shu, and Modern Societal Control


Karl Kraus, the incisive Austrian satirist, penned a profoundly resonant observation in his 1919 work, In These Great Times: "The tyranny of demand guarantees its slaves three freedoms: to have an opinion without knowledge, to enjoy entertainment without art, and to achieve climax without love." Though articulated in a different era, this aphorism brilliantly captures the insidious mechanisms through which societal systems can grant superficial liberties that, paradoxically, serve to disempower, pacify, and control the populace. This paper argues that Kraus's "tyranny of demand" finds chilling parallels with the Legalist statecraft outlined in the ancient Chinese text, Shang Jun Shu (Book of Lord Shang), particularly its policies aimed at "weakening, impoverishing, humiliating, ignorant-keeping, and abusing the populace" (弱民、貧民、辱民、愚民、虐民). Furthermore, we will draw contemporary similarities across the United States, the United Kingdom, and China, demonstrating how different political systems can, through varied means, lead to analogous outcomes of control and disempowerment.

Kraus's "Freedoms" and the Objectives of Shang Jun Shu

The Shang Jun Shu advocates for a strong, centralized, and utterly dominant state that actively works to subjugate its populace to maximize state power. Its infamous "Five Evils" policies are not merely oppressive but strategically designed to prevent dissent and foster unquestioning obedience. When viewed through this lens, Kraus's "freedoms" reveal themselves not as genuine liberation, but as sophisticated tools of control:

  • "Opinion without knowledge" (無需知識也能發表意見) – The Mechanism of "愚民" (Keeping the Populace Ignorant) and "弱民" (Weakening the Populace):

    • For Shang Jun Shu, an ignorant populace is easier to rule. If citizens can form and voice opinions without the rigour of knowledge, they are susceptible to manipulation, lack critical thinking, and cannot collectively identify or challenge systemic injustices. This breeds intellectual complacency, preventing the emergence of informed dissent and weakening the collective intellectual capacity of the populace.
    • Modern Similarities:
      • USA/UK: The digital age, particularly social media platforms, has democratized opinion-sharing while simultaneously eroding the gatekeepers of knowledge. Echo chambers reinforce existing biases, and the rapid spread of misinformation and disinformation often trumps factual reporting. Political polarization is exacerbated as individuals cling to narratives that affirm their pre-existing beliefs, detached from empirical evidence. This creates a highly segmented and often misinformed public, prone to emotional rather than rational engagement, thereby intellectually "weakening" the populace and making critical discourse difficult.
      • China: The Chinese government maintains extensive control over information through the Great Firewall and sophisticated censorship mechanisms. Public discourse is heavily managed, promoting official narratives and suppressing dissenting voices. While citizens are encouraged to express opinions within state-sanctioned parameters (e.g., nationalistic fervor), independent critical thought is discouraged. This directly fulfills the "愚民" objective, ensuring opinions are formed and voiced within a predefined, controlled framework, thus preventing knowledge from translating into meaningful challenge.
  • "Entertainment without art" (不用藝術也能享受娛樂) – The Mechanism of "辱民" (Humiliating the Populace) and "愚民" (Keeping the Populace Ignorant):

    • Art, in its highest form, encourages critical reflection, emotional depth, and imaginative engagement. When entertainment is devoid of art, it becomes mere passive consumption, a distraction that dulls the senses and minds. For Shang Jun Shu, a populace absorbed in superficial diversions is less likely to engage in political critique or collective action. It's a subtle form of humiliation by reducing humans to unthinking consumers, stripping them of their capacity for profound aesthetic or intellectual engagement, and thereby "keeping them ignorant" of deeper truths.
    • Modern Similarities:
      • USA/UK: The proliferation of algorithm-driven content on streaming platforms and social media (e.g., TikTok, short-form videos) prioritizes instant gratification and endless scrolling over artistic merit or sustained engagement. Reality TV, formulaic blockbusters, and celebrity culture often replace works that demand deeper thought or emotional investment. This creates a culture of passive spectatorship, diverting attention from complex societal issues and implicitly "humiliating" the populace by feeding them low-quality, yet highly addictive, distractions.
      • China: The entertainment industry operates under strict state censorship, promoting "positive energy" and patriotic themes while stifling critical, experimental, or nuanced artistic expression. Entertainment often serves as a form of state-approved escapism, designed to distract from political realities and reinforce social conformity. Campaigns against "effeminate" aesthetics or the promotion of "fan circle" culture (which is largely about consumption) demonstrate a deliberate effort to shape cultural consumption for social control, implicitly "humiliating" citizens by denying them authentic artistic freedom and deeper cultural engagement.
  • "Climax without love" (沒有愛情也能獲得高潮) – The Mechanism of "虐民" (Abusing/Oppressing the Populace) and "弱民" (Weakening the Populace):

    • This is the most metaphorical and perhaps the most insidious. It speaks to the commodification and cheapening of profound human experiences, reducing deep connection, genuine intimacy, and authentic fulfillment to fleeting, transactional gratification. For Shang Jun Shu, a populace whose deepest needs are met superficially is fragmented, atomized, and less capable of forming strong communal bonds or challenging relationships that could foster collective resistance. This "abuses" the populace by denying genuine human flourishing and "weakens" its social fabric, making it easier to control.
    • Modern Similarities:
      • USA/UK: The rise of dating apps, the prevalence of pornography, and an increasing focus on individual pleasure divorced from long-term commitment or emotional depth contribute to a transactional view of intimacy. This can lead to increased loneliness, emotional superficiality, and a weakening of genuine community bonds. When deep human connection is reduced to a commodity or an instant gratification, it can leave individuals feeling unfulfilled and isolated, thus "weakening" the social cohesion necessary for collective action and implicitly "abusing" their capacity for genuine human connection.
      • China: While outwardly promoting traditional values, China's intensely competitive social and economic environment, coupled with the suppression of independent civil society organizations, can lead to the atomization of individuals. Consumerism is often encouraged as a substitute for political engagement or social connection. The "躺平" (lying flat) phenomenon, where youth withdraw from societal pressures, can be seen as a retreat into individualistic, often superficial, forms of gratification in the face of overwhelming systemic demands, leading to a spiritual "impoverishment" and emotional "abuse" by a system that demands conformity but offers little genuine collective belonging.

Conclusion

Karl Kraus's "tyranny of demand" offers a potent lens through which to analyze the subtle yet pervasive forms of societal control. Whether through the overt statecraft of Shang Jun Shu or the more diffused mechanisms of consumerism and digital culture in modern democracies, the outcome can be chillingly similar: a populace granted superficial "freedoms" that, in practice, serve to disempower, distract, and disunite. Opinion without knowledge, entertainment without art, and climax without love are not markers of true liberty, but rather symptoms of a system that, intentionally or unintentionally, cultivates an ignorant, passive, and ultimately weakened populace, making it easier to manage and less capable of challenging its underlying structures. Understanding these insidious dynamics is crucial for safeguarding genuine autonomy and fostering a society capable of critical thought, profound connection, and meaningful change.

需求之暴政:克勞斯之論、商君之策與當代社群之制》

 

《需求之暴政:克勞斯之論、商君之策與當代社群之制》

奧地利諷刺作家卡爾.克勞斯(Karl Kraus)於庚申之年(西元1919年)著《時艱:克勞斯讀本》中言一洞見深遠之語:「需求之暴政,授其奴民三自由:無知而可議,無藝而可樂,無愛而得歡。」此言雖出於異世,然其精妙捕捉社會體制如何賜予浮泛之自由,卻反致民心怯弱,安於現狀,受制於人。夫論此,吾輩以為克勞斯所言「需求之暴政」,與古華夏《商君書》所載「弱民、貧民、辱民、愚民、虐民」之法家治術,有驚人之契合。今吾等將此論延展,舉美國、英國、中華三國為例,以示縱使政體各異,然其所致民心受制之果,往往殊途同歸也。

克勞斯之「自由」與商君之「五民」

《商君書》倡強力集權,以國為上,務求國民俯首聽命,以固國勢。其惡名昭彰之「五民」之策,非徒壓迫,實為戰略之部署,旨在防範異議,培養盲從。若以此觀之,克勞斯所言之「自由」,非真自由,乃巧偽之宰制工具也:

  • 「無知而可議」(Opinion without knowledge)——「愚民」、「弱民」之機巧:

    • 按《商君書》義,民愚則易治。若民可無識而發議論,則易受蠱惑,失辨析之能,無力揭竿以抗體制之不公。此致民智怠惰,使明識之議難以生發,國民之智力總體削弱。
    • 當代之似同:
      • 美利堅/不列顛: 數位時代,尤以社群媒體為甚,雖廣開言論之門,然亦消弭知識之守門者。迴音之囿固民之偏見,虛妄之辭與假訊息傳播之速,常凌駕於真實報導。政治之兩極分化亦甚,蓋因民眾固守舊識,脫離實證,致其智力受削弱,難為理性論辯。
      • 中華: 中華之國嚴控信息,設「防火長城」及嚴密之審查機制。輿論受嚴加管束,官方敘事備受推崇,異議之聲皆遭壓制。民雖可於官方允許之限度內(如民族主義言論)發議論,然獨立之批判思維則受阻礙。此徑合「愚民」之旨,使言論僅存於預設框架內,難以知識為基以挑戰權威。
  • 「無藝而可樂」(Entertainment without art)——「辱民」、「愚民」之機巧:

    • 藝術之高明者,能啟人深思,引人入境,開人想像。然娛樂若無藝,則僅為消極之享用,徒亂心神,磨鈍感官。按《商君書》義,民若沉溺於浮泛之樂,則鮮少關心政治,難為集體行動。此乃辱民之隱晦手段,將人降為無思之消費者,剝奪其深層美學與智性之享用,致其蒙昧不明。
    • 當代之似同:
      • 美利堅/不列顛: 串流平台與社群媒體(如抖音)所充斥之演算法驅動內容,皆以即時享樂與無盡滾動為務,而非藝術之深遠價值。實境秀、模式化之大片、名人文化,常取代引人深思或情感投入之作品。此成消極觀賞之文化,轉移民心於複雜之社會議題,潛含辱民之意,以低質卻易上癮之娛樂充塞之。
      • 中華: 娛樂產業受國家嚴審,倡「正能量」與愛國主題,壓制批判、實驗或精微之藝術表達。娛樂常為官方認可之逃避現實,旨在轉移政治注意,固化社會順從。如禁「娘炮」審美、推廣「飯圈文化」(多為消費驅動),皆示其刻意塑造文化消費,以求社會管控,潛含辱民之意,剝奪民之真藝術自由與深層文化之享用。
  • 「無愛而得歡」(Climax without love)——「虐民」、「弱民」之機巧:

    • 此為最隱喻而最陰險者。其言將深層次之人性體驗物化、貶低,將真摯之連結、親密與實踐,簡化為轉瞬即逝、交易性之快感。按《商君書》義,民若其最深層之需求僅獲膚淺之滿足,則其離散孤立,難成堅固之社群紐帶,亦難為挑戰性之關係以促集體反抗。此乃虐民,剝奪人真性情之開展,並弱化社會之凝聚力,使其易於受制。
    • 當代之似同:
      • 美利堅/不列顛: 交友應用盛行、色情泛濫,及過度追求即時享樂而脫離長遠承諾或情感深度之傾向,皆促使人際關係流於交易。此可致孤獨日增,情感膚淺,及社群凝聚力之弱化。當深層人際連結降為商品或即時快感,則人感空虛疏離,故弱化集體行動所需之社會凝聚,亦潛含虐民,剝奪人真性情之連結。
      • 中華: 雖表面倡傳統價值,然其激烈之社會經濟競爭,加之對獨立公民社會組織之壓制,可致個體之原子化。消費主義常被鼓勵,以替代政治參與或社會連結。「躺平」現象,乃青年於巨大體制壓力下,退縮於個人主義,常為膚淺之享樂,實為一種精神之「貧民」與情感之「虐民」,以對應體制之規訓,然卻少有真摯之集體歸屬感。

結語

卡爾.克勞斯之「需求之暴政」,為審視社會宰制之幽微而無處不在之形式,提供了有力之視角。無論是《商君書》之開明治術,抑或現代民主體制中消費主義與數位文化之瀰散機制,其結果皆驚人地相似:予民以浮泛之「自由」,實則削弱、迷惑、分化國民。無知而可議、無藝而可樂、無愛而得歡,非真自由之標誌,乃一體制之症狀,此體制無論有意無意,皆欲培養無知、被動、終而弱化之國民,使其易於操控,難以挑戰其根本結構也。洞察此等陰險之動態,乃保障真自主,培育能為批判思維、深層連結與意義非凡變革之社會之關鍵也。

奶茶聯盟:東南亞青年行動主義之數位團結與深遠影響》

 

《奶茶聯盟:東南亞青年行動主義之數位團結與深遠影響》


史家觀夫廿一世紀初公民參與之巨變,鮮有能如「奶茶聯盟」者,足彰青年行動主義之巧思與堅韌也。此盟始於庚子年四月(西元2020年),緣起於名流紛爭之微末,然迅即發展為跨國之強大象徵,力抗數位專制與霸權敘事。其所用戰術,尤以泰國青年所創者,予後世全球運動以深遠之啟迪。

事端之發,乃因中華民族主義之網絡勢力,群起攻訐泰國藝人Bright Vachirawit及其友Nnevvy,緣由乃彼等被視為輕蔑「一中原則」與疫病起源之說。此欲強行思想劃一之舉,卻遭泰國網民出人意表、敏捷且卓有成效之反擊。

泰國青年之戰術:數位抗爭之示範

泰人反擊之妙,在於其捨棄傳統、被動之抗議模式,反採一系列異於常規、然力道甚強之戰術:

  1. 以諧謔與反諷為器: 面對針對泰國內政(如王室、政局不穩、貧困)之侮辱,泰人網民非不屑一顧,亦非動怒自衛。反之,彼等以自嘲幽默與反諷應之(如:「然也,復何新哉?」、「此乃吾輩早悉之語!」),此出乎意料之應對,頓使攻者措手不及,無以獲致預期之激憤,反示泰人自信與不為敵方敘事所制也。
  2. 揭露虛偽與邏輯不符: 泰人網民精明指出華人網民藉翻牆軟件(VPN)登入被禁之社群平台(如推特、Instagram)以宣揚其政府意識形態之矛盾。其詰問曰:「汝何以登臨推特?」或「汝不懼VPN之事乎?」等語,巧妙反詰,直指攻者之虛偽與彼等所享、所護之審查體制之矛盾。
  3. 跨國團結與象徵主義: 此紛爭迅速蔓越泰國邊界,化為「奶茶聯盟」之廣泛運動。香港與台灣之網民,感同身受中華民族主義之壓力,遂速相應援,因皆喜飲奶茶而結盟。此簡樸親切之符號,遂成有力之團結旗幟,使一地之小爭,化為區域乃至全球之運動。此亦昭示共享文化符號能促成意想不到之聯盟也。
  4. 去中心化、迷因主導、流動傳播: 此反擊非由中心統籌,乃自發之草根運動。訊息迅速轉化為廣為傳播之迷因(memes)、短小精悍之諧語,及視覺引人入勝之內容。此去中心化、病毒式之傳播,使反應瞬發,繞過傳統媒體監控,使運動極具抗壓性,難以被壓制也。

影響與傳承

奶茶聯盟之立時影響,不容置疑。其引全球媒體關注中華軟實力與民族主義網絡戰之複雜動態。於外交層面,彼京亦尷尬不已,因其網絡戰術所遇者,乃團結一致之陣線,非孤立就範之順從。

更為深遠者,奶茶聯盟已演化為持久之象徵,及亞洲乃至全球青年運動之實踐範本。其精神與戰術顯著影響緬甸軍事政變後之網絡抗爭(有「政變茶」之變體),亦啟發印度及他處之行動者。其證明數位空間雖有爭議,然能成鍛造意想不到之聯盟、發出集體聲音之沃土也。

世界青年之借鑒

奶茶聯盟予處數位時代之青年行動者以數項寶貴之借鑒:

  1. 創意傳播之力量: 幽默、反諷與視覺吸引之迷因,可為傳達複雜訊息、解除敵意、促廣泛參與之極有效工具,超越傳統政治論述也。
  2. 數位平台之戰略運用: 深諳各類社群平台之奧妙,善用其病毒式傳播機制,並調整溝通風格,乃達致影響之關鍵。
  3. 巧思所致之堅韌: 面臨強大甚或受國家支持之對手時,頑固抵抗或不如靈活應變、出其不意之策略更為有效。
  4. 跨國團結之潛力: 共同之價值觀,縱使透過看似尋常之文化符號表達,亦能跨越地域隔閡,締造強大聯盟,發出難以被壓制之集體聲音。
  5. 數位素養為自由之工具: 深入理解信息如何於網絡流動(與被壓制),對於抵制宣傳與有效傳播己方訊息至關重要。

總而言之,奶茶聯盟超越其網絡爭端之初始,成為一引人入勝之歷史案例,示青少年如何憑藉數位素養與創意精神,在日益互聯且充滿爭議之全球數位場域中,將個人之冤屈轉化為強大之跨國運動,以求自由與自決。