In the corridors of history, two titans of American foreign policy—Dr. Henry Kissinger and Professor Zbigniew Brzezinski—"reunite" in a hypothetical conversation, as they contemplate the complex situation facing foreign students in American higher education, particularly at Harvard University.
Kissinger: (Clears throat, voice calm) Zbig, you see, this controversy at Harvard regarding foreign students, especially those young people from the great Eastern power, seems to have become a new front in the strategic competition between Washington and Beijing. The balance between academic freedom and national security has always been a subtle art, not a science.
Brzezinski: (Voice slightly hoarse, tone sharper) Henry, you and I know well that no geopolitical chessboard is confined to borders and military might. The exchange of ideas, the dissemination of technology, and even potential influence penetration have always been part of great power rivalry. America's spirit of openness is certainly commendable, but if it leads to a loss of vigilance, it places itself in danger. I have warned many times that if we fail to understand the nature of the challenge, arrogance and carelessness will be our greatest enemies.
Kissinger: Indeed, national interest is the highest principle. We cannot ignore the possibility of certain countries exploiting academic channels to acquire sensitive technologies or conduct intelligence activities. However, America's strength lies not only in its military power but also in its ability to attract top talent globally. If we tighten too much and push these potential allies and thinkers elsewhere, it will, in the long run, damage our soft power. Diplomacy is always about seeking the best balance among contradictory options.
Brzezinski: Balance is important, but the bottom line must be clear. We cannot allow so-called "academic freedom" to become a cover for certain regimes to engage in intellectual property theft or influence operations. During the Cold War, we had specific regulations for Soviet students. Today's China, in some respects, with its geopolitical ambitions and ideological control, surpasses the Soviet Union of yesteryear. We should attract students who genuinely embrace the values of freedom and democracy, rather than providing convenience for potential adversaries.
Kissinger: But that also raises another question: how do we define "potential adversary"? Too broad a definition could lead us to create enemies among potential collaborators. Globalization has tightly connected the world, and even if we close our doors, the flow of knowledge will not stop. More importantly, allowing these young people to experience American society and values firsthand is itself a long-term strategic investment. Who can say that, years from now, these elites who have personally experienced America's openness and vitality will not become forces of understanding, or even affinity, towards us in their own countries?
Brzezinski: Of course, the long-term impact of education cannot be underestimated. But at the same time, we must soberly recognize that these elites from specific backgrounds, their upbringing and thinking patterns, may differ from our expectations. We cannot rely solely on wishful "soft power persuasion" to build national security. What is important is that we must possess the ability to identify potential risks and take decisive action when necessary. The formulation of rules should be precise and specific, avoiding generalized strikes, and absolutely not allowing for vague gray areas.
Kissinger: Ultimately, it boils down to whether we have a clear national strategy. If we know where we are going and how to deal with different powers, then the policy towards foreign students is just one piece on this grand chessboard. Without an overarching plan, any isolated adjustment might gain one thing only to lose another, or even backfire. History never stops; complexity is its norm, and a clear strategy is the only way to navigate chaos.
Brzezinski: (Sighs softly) Yes, a clear strategy. That seems to be the rarest commodity in our era. In a world consumed by short-termism and domestic political considerations, contemplating a truly grand strategy and consistently executing it is far more difficult than it was in our time. The issue of foreign students at Harvard is but the tip of the iceberg, reflecting deeper strategic dilemmas.
Brief Biographies and Harvard Connections:
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Henry Kissinger (1923-2023): A German-born American diplomat, political scientist, and geopolitical consultant who served as United States Secretary of State and National Security Advisor under Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford. He was a central figure in U.S. foreign policy during the Cold War, pioneering the policy of détente with the Soviet Union and opening relations with China.
- Harvard Connection: Kissinger earned his A.B., M.A., and Ph.D. degrees from Harvard University. He then joined the Harvard faculty, where he taught in the Department of Government and at the Center for International Affairs for many years before entering government service.
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Zbigniew Brzezinski (1928-2017): A Polish-American diplomat and political scientist who served as a counselor to President Lyndon B. Johnson and as the National Security Advisor to President Jimmy Carter. He was a prominent strategist who emphasized the importance of geopolitical advantage and was known for his hawkish stance on the Soviet Union.
- Harvard Connection: Brzezinski received his Ph.D. from Harvard University in 1953 and was a member of the faculty there from 1953 to 1960. He taught Soviet and international politics, establishing himself as a significant figure in Cold War studies.
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