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2025年7月15日 星期二

Forced Labor in China in the 1930s

 

Forced Labor in China in the 1930s: Historical Process and Heavy Casualties

Introduction: The Context of the Era and the Rise of "La Fu"

China in the 1930s was a turbulent period marked by internal strife and external aggression. In the north, Japanese imperialism pressed relentlessly, while internally, the civil war between the Nationalist Government and the Chinese Communist Party raged on. Simultaneously, natural disasters like floods and droughts frequently occurred, making life for the common people incredibly difficult. Against this backdrop, large-scale forced labor (commonly known as "la fu," or "pulling men") became a widespread practice by various powers to sustain their war machines, undertake infrastructure projects, and respond to emergencies. This not only profoundly impacted the lives of millions of Chinese but also laid the groundwork for subsequent social changes.

The Historical Process of Forced Labor

Historically, "la fu" or the conscription of civilian labor has existed in China for a long time, but its scale, frequency, and coerciveness in the 1930s reached unprecedented levels. Its main driving forces and progression can be divided into several stages:

1. Sino-Japanese War and Civil War: Nationalist and Communist Efforts (1930-1937)

Before the full-scale outbreak of the Anti-Japanese War, both the Nationalist Government and the Communist Party conscripted labor in their respective controlled areas to support military operations and infrastructure development.

On the Nationalist Government's side, conscription primarily occurred in the provinces they controlled, with large numbers of laborers drafted for campaigns to encircle and suppress the Red Army, construct roads, and build fortifications. The conscription method typically involved local governments assigning quotas, with gentry and baojia (local mutual responsibility) heads responsible for drafting men. Although regulations specified conscription standards and compensation, actual practices often involved severe corruption and abuse of power, leading to extensive unpaid labor and even virtual enslavement.

On the Communist Party's side, in their revolutionary base areas, such as the Jiangxi Soviet, they also organized peasants for labor mutual aid and collective labor to transport supplies for the Red Army and build fortifications. While their propaganda emphasized "voluntarism" and "collective benefit," under conditions of resource scarcity and survival pressure, this "voluntarism" often carried a coercive element, and often without any compensation.

2. Full-Scale Anti-Japanese War: Extreme Mobilization (1937-1945)

After the Marco Polo Bridge Incident in 1937, China entered a phase of full-scale resistance against Japan. To sustain the front lines, the Nationalist Government extensively conscripted able-bodied men as "min gong" (civilian laborers, also known as "coolies"), engaging them in high-intensity, high-risk work such as military transport, emergency road and bridge repair, airport construction, and military fortification.

The scale was unprecedented: Conscription extended across half of China, from inland areas to the coast, with countless young men forcibly inducted into the military or made into civilian laborers. For instance, the construction of strategic facilities like the Burma Road, the Sichuan-Yunnan Road, and radar stations consumed enormous manpower.

"Conscription" versus "Escape": The government allocated quotas through the baojia system, and local authorities used all means to meet targets. Conscripted laborers often suffered inhumane treatment, with extremely poor food and lodging, and rampant disease, leading to widespread desertion and death. Many peasants fled their homes or even self-mutilated to avoid conscription.

Japanese exploitation: The Japanese invaders also forcibly conscripted Chinese laborers in occupied territories to serve them, building strategic fortifications, extracting resources, and constructing railways. Their methods were often more brutal than the Nationalist Government's, resulting in even higher mortality rates.

3. Continuation during the Chinese Civil War (1945-1949)

After the victory in the Anti-Japanese War, the civil war between the Nationalist and Communist parties resumed. Both sides continued to mobilize vast numbers of civilians to support the front lines.

The Nationalist Government continued to conscript civilian laborers and soldiers in its controlled areas. However, due to economic collapse and the loss of popular support, the Nationalist government's conscription system had completely disintegrated, making conscription more difficult, coercive, and brutal. This further intensified social contradictions.

The Communist Party, on the other hand, successfully established its mobilization system on a relatively solid popular base during this period, particularly by gaining the support of vast numbers of peasants through land reform and other policies. They organized peasants to participate in "zhi qian" (support the front) movements, such as the "support the front army" in the Northeast Liberated Area, where hundreds of thousands of peasants transported supplies for the People's Liberation Army using handcarts and carrying poles. Although this was still extremely arduous labor, under the political propaganda of "becoming masters of their own destiny" and organizational mobilization, it had a relatively higher "voluntary" component and received active responses from peasants.


Casualties Caused by Forced Labor

The forced labor from the 1930s to the late 1940s resulted in an astronomical number of casualties. Although precise statistics are lacking, the tragic extent can be glimpsed from various historical materials and survivor memoirs.

1. Disease and Starvation

These were the primary causes of death for laborers. Conscripted laborers often endured long journeys, inadequate food, insufficient clothing, and lived in makeshift shelters or even in the open. Epidemic diseases such as cholera, dysentery, malaria, typhoid, and tuberculosis spread rapidly in concentrated camps. Coupled with a severe lack of medical care, mortality rates were extremely high. Many died not from exhaustion, but from starvation and disease.

2. Overwork and Harsh Environments

The intensity of laborers' work often exceeded human limits, especially in the construction of roads, airports, and fortifications, which required manual hauling of massive stones, excavation of earth, and round-the-clock labor. Many construction sites had deplorable conditions, such as swamps, deep mountains, and extreme temperatures, leading to frequent heatstroke, frostbite, falls, and other accidents. Many were simply worked to death or perished in accidents.

3. Abuse and Corporal Punishment by Overseers

To ensure project progress, overseers often resorted to cruel corporal punishment and abuse of laborers. Any perceived slowness or resistance could lead to flogging, severe injury, or even death, with human life treated as disposable. This high-pressure management further exacerbated the risk of death for laborers.

4. Escape and Pursuit

To survive, many laborers chose to escape. However, escaping was extremely risky. If caught, they often faced severe punishment, or even execution as a warning to others. During their escape, some also died from hunger, disease, or difficult terrain.

5. Direct War Casualties

Especially during the Anti-Japanese War, the projects laborers were involved in were often located on the front lines or in strategic areas, making them vulnerable to enemy bombing and artillery fire. Many laborers building airfields or fortifications were directly exposed to combat, dying as innocent victims.

6. Specific Cases and Estimates

Taking the construction of the Burma Road as an example, this strategic highway, known as the "Lifeline of the Anti-Japanese War," mobilized hundreds of thousands of laborers. It is estimated that tens of thousands, or even hundreds of thousands, died from disease and exhaustion alone [4].

While precise figures for the total casualties of "la fu" from the 1930s to the late 1940s are unavailable from Chinese government or historical sources, it is certain that millions of laborers suffered from conscription, and hundreds of thousands to over a million of them perished or suffered permanent disabilities due to exhaustion, disease, starvation, accidents, and violence. This undoubtedly constitutes a massive, often overlooked, demographic loss and humanitarian disaster in modern Chinese history.


Conclusion: Profound Social Impact

The large-scale forced labor from the 1930s to the late 1940s not only resulted in immense casualties but also had a profound impact on Chinese society. It exacerbated rural poverty and desolation, leading to the breakdown of countless families and leaving women and children in dire straits. It also greatly intensified social contradictions, fostering deep popular resentment and disaffection towards the Nationalist Government's rule. This became a crucial opportunity for the Communist Party to mobilize peasants and win popular support, ultimately contributing to their victory in the Civil War.

These conscripted laborers, caught in the torrent of their era, used their flesh and blood to sustain the war effort and build critical national infrastructure. Yet, their names are often unrecorded, and their history of suffering has long been neglected in mainstream narratives. Reflecting on this history of "la fu" is not only a commemoration of the fallen but also a warning of how to avoid repeating past mistakes. It reminds us that, regardless of the historical context, respect for human rights and the dignity of life should always be the bedrock of society.


References

[1] Chen, Zhirang. (1969). Yuan Shikai, Chiang Kai-shek and Chinese Politics. Hong Kong: New Asia Research Institute. (Although this book primarily focuses on the political careers of Yuan Shikai and Chiang Kai-shek, it touches upon the "la fu" phenomenon when analyzing the warlord era and the Nationalist Government's early oppression of rural areas.)

[2] Fairbank, J. K. (1987). The Great Chinese Revolution, 1800-1985. New York: Harper & Row. (Fairbank's work, while not directly focused on "la fu," as an authority on modern Chinese history, his general discourse on social mobilization and popular sacrifice in China indirectly reflects this aspect.)

[3] Li, Zongyi. (1987). Research on Population Losses in China during the Anti-Japanese War. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press. (This academic monograph provides a detailed analysis of non-combat related deaths in China during the Anti-Japanese War, including disease and starvation, indirectly covering deaths caused by forced labor.)

[4] Xie, Bizhen. (2009). History of the Burma Road. Kunming: Yunnan People's Publishing House. (This specialized work on the construction of the Burma Road details the conscription of laborers, working conditions, and the immense casualties that resulted.)


2025年7月5日 星期六

The UK's Renters' Rights Bill: A "Well-Intentioned Mess" – One Year On, How Will the Clumsy Government Cope?

 


The UK's Renters' Rights Bill: A "Well-Intentioned Mess" – One Year On, How Will the Clumsy Government Cope?



It's a typical afternoon in London, the aroma of coffee mingling with murmurs of discontent. Ever since the much-anticipated UK Renters' Rights Bill officially came into force on a sunny day in 2025, this "reform" – designed to protect tenants – seems to have quietly steered the British rental market into an unforeseen abyss. One year on, in late 2026 or early 2027, those once-lofty aspirations have likely become an awkward policy "debacle."

The Renters' Rights Bill: Great in Theory, Disastrous in Practice

The core intention of this bill was to abolish no-fault evictions, grant tenants greater residential stability, and compel landlords to "consider" requests for pets. Sounds wonderful, doesn't it? Who wouldn't want a stable home with their furry friend? However, like many "perfect" policies, it overlooked the most fundamental human element of market operations: risk and reward.

Imagine a landlord who has invested their life savings in a property. Now, they could face the dilemma of an unpredictable tenancy end date, or the difficulty of evicting a tenant even when property damage is evident. And let's not forget that "pet-friendly" clause – landlords can't refuse pets but can't demand pet insurance, nor can they increase the deposit. This effectively turns landlords into a "universal insurance company," and a free one at that.

Unintended Consequences: Landlord Retreat, Tenant Despair

A year has passed, and the initial survey showing 70% of landlords considering selling their properties has likely materialized into grim reality, "boosted" by the policy itself. When landlords realize their properties have transformed from "assets" into "liabilities," their only viable option is a decisive exit from the market.

  • Drying Up of Rental Supply: A massive influx of properties from the rental market into the sales market means tenants find fewer and fewer available homes, while competition intensifies dramatically. The previous scene of dozens of applicants fighting for one unit now sees two or three hundred for a single property.

  • Explosive Rent Increases: When supply shrinks severely while demand remains robust, rents naturally skyrocket. Don't be surprised; the exorbitant rents you see now are just an "entry-level" price. In London, a single studio apartment's rent could easily surpass your parents' entire monthly income.

  • "Silent Discrimination" Becomes the Norm: The bill prohibits overt discrimination, but landlords will adapt with "silent" methods. They won't write "no pets" in their ads, but during viewings, they'll subtly imply, through looks and atmosphere, that you and your pet aren't a good fit. Some might even resort to only renting through private networks to bypass official channels. This makes it incredibly difficult for tenants with pets or complex backgrounds to find housing through conventional means.

  • Stagnant Social Mobility: Young people, new immigrants, and even university students will find it increasingly hard to settle in cities. They might be forced into overcrowded, substandard shared accommodations, or simply abandon opportunities to develop careers in major urban centers, severely hindering social mobility.

The Clumsy Government's One-Year-Later Response (Probably)

Facing this self-inflicted "rental catastrophe," the UK government, a year on, will likely be in a state of disarray, issuing well-meaning but ultimately ineffectual statements:

  1. "We are closely monitoring the market": The Prime Minister will solemnly declare that the government is "closely monitoring" trends in the rental market and reaffirm its "unwavering commitment to protecting tenants' rights." However, concrete actions will remain conspicuously absent.

  2. Formation of "Inter-departmental Committees": To demonstrate "proactive engagement," the government might announce the formation of a "special inter-departmental committee" composed of various officials to study the rental market. This committee will consume a vast budget, hold countless meetings, and ultimately produce several reports filled with bureaucratic jargon but little actual substance.

  3. Blaming "External Factors": When questioned about the surging rents and property shortages, the government will likely attribute the issues to "global economic headwinds," "the war in Ukraine," "climate change," or even "alien invasions," steadfastly refusing to admit that their own policy is to blame.

  4. Introducing New "Mini-Bills" (But No Real Solutions): To appease public anger, the government might propose some superficial "mini-bills," such as a "Pet-Friendly Tenancy Clause Adjustment Act" or an "Emergency Housing Subsidy Scheme." However, these will merely be a drop in the ocean, failing to address the fundamental problems of landlord exodus and structural market imbalance.

  5. "Appealing to Landlords' Social Responsibility": In a desperate last resort, the government might deliver heartfelt speeches, urging landlords to "shoulder their social responsibility," to not just pursue profit, and to be more understanding of tenants' difficulties. This would be akin to firefighters advising a raging inferno to "have empathy."

In essence, one year from now, the UK rental market will likely see landlords increasingly "changing professions," tenants struggling to find housing, and the government floundering amidst a mountain of reports and empty promises. This "well-intentioned mess" of a policy experiment might just become a classic case study of failure in future economics textbooks. Hopefully, by then, someone will still be able to afford a place to live, sip coffee, and reflect on it all.