The Cycle of the Commons: China’s 75-Year Struggle with Shared Resources
Since 1949, China has swung between extreme collective ownership and rapid privatization. While these phases look different on the surface, they share a common thread: the "Tragedy of the Commons," where individuals (or officials) exploit a shared resource until it collapses.
1. The Mao Era: The Tragedy of "No Ownership"
Under Mao Zedong, the state abolished private property, turning the entire nation into a "commons."
The Great Leap Forward (1958-1962): When villagers were forced into People's Communes, the "Common Mess Halls" became a literal tragedy. Because food was free and "shared," people ate everything immediately. With no individual responsibility for the grain supply, the "commons" was depleted, contributing to the Great Famine.
Backyard Furnaces: To meet steel quotas, people melted down their own tools and communal resources to produce useless pig iron. The shared environment—forests and timber—was stripped bare to fuel these furnaces, a classic destruction of a common resource for short-term political "gain."
2. The Deng & Jiang Era: The "Contract" Tragedy (承包制)
Deng Xiaoping’s Household Responsibility System (家庭聯產承包責任制) is credited with saving the economy, but it created a new version of the tragedy.
Short-Termism: Farmers were given land on short-term contracts. Because they did not own the land permanently,they had no incentive to maintain soil health. They used massive amounts of chemical fertilizers to maximize yield before the contract ended, leading to widespread soil acidification and groundwater pollution.
Village Enterprises (TVEs): In the 1990s, local factories popped up everywhere. Since the rivers were "common" property, every factory dumped toxic waste into them to save costs. The result was the "Cancer Village" phenomenon—the economic gain was private, but the environmental cost was shared by the public.
3. The Hu & Xi Era: The Tragedy of High-Tech and Urban Space
Even as China became a global superpower, the tragedy moved into new sectors.
The Bike-Sharing Collapse (2017): Under Hu and then Xi, companies like Ofo and Mobike flooded city sidewalks with millions of bikes. Because the "sidewalk" was a common public space and the bikes were "shared," users treated them with no care, and companies over-saturated the market. This led to "Bicycle Graveyards" that choked public squares.
The Real Estate Bubble: Local governments relied on selling land (a finite common resource) to fund their budgets. This led to "Ghost Cities"—over-exploitation of the land for short-term GDP growth, leaving a massive debt burden for the next generation.
The Southern Cradle: Why the South of the Huai River Birthed China’s Great Rebellions
For the past five centuries, the political geography of Chinese revolution has displayed a consistent tilt. From the founding of the Ming Dynasty to the overthrow of the Qing and the rise of the Communist Party, the primary catalysts for systemic change have emerged from the south of the Huai River. This region—comprising the Yangtze Valley, the Pearl River Delta, and the rugged hills of Hunan and Fujian—has acted as an incubator for the figures who dismantled old orders: Zhu Yuanzhang (Anhui), the Taiping leaders (Guangxi/Guangdong), Sun Yat-sen (Guangdong), and Mao Zedong(Hunan).
The Historical Pattern of Southern Dissent
While the North was often the seat of imperial legitimacy and defense against nomadic incursions, the South became the laboratory for alternative ideologies.
Zhu Yuanzhang (Ming Dynasty): Emerging from the poverty-stricken Huai River basin, he led the Red Turban Rebellion to expel the Mongol Yuan Dynasty, marking a rare instance of a southern-based movement conquering the North.
The Taiping Heavenly Kingdom: Hong Xiuquan launched his "God Worshipping Society" from Guangxi, nearly toppling the Qing Dynasty by capturing Nanjing and mobilizing millions of southern peasants.
Sun Yat-sen & the Xinhai Revolution: Born in Guangdong, Sun leveraged overseas networks and southern secret societies to end 2,000 years of imperial rule.
Mao Zedong & the CCP: Though the party started in cities like Shanghai, its martial heart was forged in the mountains of Hunan and Jiangxi (the Jinggang Mountains).
Expert Reasons for Southern Radicalism
1. Economic Independence and "Grain Power" Experts note that after the Song Dynasty, the economic center of China shifted south. The South controlled the "rice bowl" and the tea and silk trade. This economic surplus allowed southern elites and secret societies to fund insurgencies without relying on the central imperial coffers in Beijing.
2. Geographical Fragmentation and "Mountain Governance" The South is characterized by complex topography—mountains, river networks, and dense forests—unlike the flat, easily policed North China Plain. This geography provided natural "guerrilla zones." Experts like James C. Scott (author of The Art of Not Being Governed) suggest that such terrain allows heterodox groups to organize out of the immediate reach of the state.
3. Maritime Exposure and Foreign Ideas Coastal provinces like Guangdong and Fujian were the first to encounter Western and Japanese ideas. Sun Yat-sen’s republicanism and the Taiping’s distorted Christianity were products of southern maritime contact. The South was a "window" that made the existing Northern-centric system look archaic.
4. Cultural Resistance and the "Dual Identity" Historians often point to the "Southern Song" legacy and the Ming-loyalist sentiment after the Manchu conquest. The South retained a strong "Han" identity that viewed the Northern-based Qing as "alien" rulers. This cultural friction made the South a fertile ground for "anti-Qing, restore Ming" (fanqing fuming) secret societies.
5. The "Buffer" ParadoxThe Huai River serves as a climatic and agricultural boundary. Historically, when Northern administrations became corrupt or focused on northern border defense, the administration of the far South became "loose." This laxity allowed local militias and radical intellectuals to grow in strength until they were powerful enough to challenge the center.
Chairman Mao: A Master of Mass Persuasion – Beyond the Commercial Realm
To assess Chairman Mao Zedong as a "great advertising man," standing alongside figures like Leo Burnett and David Ogilvy, requires a shift in perspective from commercial marketing to the realm of political propaganda and mass mobilization. While lacking the commercial objective of selling products, Mao's campaigns demonstrate an unparalleled mastery of brand building, slogan coining, and large-scale behavioral engineering. His genius lay in his profound understanding of public psychology, his ability to distill complex ideologies into potent, memorable messages, and his orchestration of nationwide movements with total message saturation.
The Power of the Slogan: Mao's Copyright in Catchphrases
Like any shrewd advertising executive, Mao understood that a campaign's success hinges on compelling, concise, and repeatable catchphrases. He possessed an extraordinary talent for crafting slogans that acted as ideological shortcuts, resonating deeply with the masses and becoming ingrained in the national consciousness. These were not just words; they were calls to action, simplified directives, and powerful tools for shaping public thought.
Consider some of his most impactful "taglines":
"Serve the People" (为人民服务): This enduring slogan functioned as the Communist Party's core brand promise.It presented Party cadres as selfless, dedicated servants of the populace, fostering a sense of trust and loyalty. It was a masterstroke in building a positive public image for the Party, akin to a brand emphasizing its commitment to customer satisfaction.
"Dare to think, dare to act" (敢想敢干):A potent rallying cry during the Great Leap Forward, this slogan was designed to unleash perceived revolutionary spirit and boundless energy. It was an audacious "brand challenge," encouraging the populace to pursue ambitious, often unrealistic goals without questioning authority, tapping into a desire for agency and collective power.
"Smash the Four Olds" (破四旧): A central directive of the Cultural Revolution, this slogan provided a clear, actionable mandate. It directly instructed the Red Guards to attack "old ideas, old culture, old customs, and old habits." This was akin to a direct marketing campaign, providing a clear target and justifying widespread dismantling of traditional society.
"Revolution is no crime, to rebel is justified" (革命无罪, 造反有理): Perhaps one of the most incendiary and effective slogans, this explicitly legitimized rebellion against authority, particularly for the Red Guards. It functioned as a powerful "endorsement" for chaotic acts, fundamentally overturning established norms in the name of revolutionary purity.
"Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun" (枪杆子里面出政权): This concise and aggressive statement served as a foundational "mission statement" for the revolutionary movement, emphasizing the non-negotiable role of armed struggle.
"All reactionaries are paper tigers" (一切反动派都是纸老虎): A brilliant piece of psychological framing, this slogan aimed to diminish the perceived strength of enemies, encouraging revolutionaries not to fear them. It's a classic example of "competitor devaluation" in propaganda.
"Women hold up half the sky" (妇女能顶半边天): A powerful message promoting gender equality and highlighting women's crucial role in national development, effectively expanding the "target audience" for mobilization.
"Learn from Dazhai in agriculture; Learn from Daqing in industry" (农业学大寨，工业学大庆): These were specific "case studies" or "testimonials" turned into national directives, promoting model enterprises as examples for mass emulation.
"First, do not fear hardship; second, do not fear death" (一不怕苦，二不怕死): This slogan succinctly communicated the core values of revolutionary heroism and sacrifice.
"Long Live Chairman Mao!" (毛主席万岁!): The ultimate "brand loyalty" chant, ubiquitous and reinforcing the personality cult.
These slogans were intentionally direct, emotionally evocative, and relentlessly repetitive. Their simplicity ensured accessibility even to a largely illiterate population, allowing for rapid memorization and internalization, much like an effective jingle or tagline embeds itself in public consciousness.
Campaign-Like Mass Mobilization: Branding and Behavioral Engineering
Mao's political campaigns were strategic masterclasses in mass mobilization, mirroring the total saturation and behavioral change sought by ambitious advertising campaigns. They went beyond mere persuasion; they aimed for immersive ideological environments.
The Great Leap Forward (大跃进, 1958-1962): This was arguably Mao's most ambitious "campaign" in terms of scope and scale, an attempt at rapid industrialization and agricultural collectivization.
Advertising Techniques: It employed pervasive propaganda posters depicting impossibly bountiful harvests and overflowing steel furnaces, despite widespread famine. Public meetings, parades, and "speak bitterness" campaigns against landlords were meticulously orchestrated to generate overwhelming enthusiasm and conformity. The grand "brand promise" was to "surpass Britain and America" in steel production, an aspirational vision that fueled unrealistic targets.
Influence:The intense "advertising" for the Great Leap created a climate of manufactured optimism that masked devastating realities.The constant pressure to meet unrealistic targets, fueled by propaganda, led to false reporting and disastrous policies, resulting in one of the largest famines in human history.
Barefoot Doctors Campaign (赤脚医生, 1960s-1970s): This initiative trained peasants to provide basic healthcare in rural areas.
Advertising Techniques: The term "barefoot doctors" itself was a brilliant piece of branding, instantly evoking a sense of grassroots, accessible, and practical healthcare for the common people. It was a conscious effort to differentiate from traditional, often inaccessible, urban medical establishments. The campaign was promoted through positive imagery and narratives emphasizing self-reliance and dedication to rural masses.
Influence:The "barefoot doctors" program, despite its limitations, became a highly successful "social brand" that significantly improved basic healthcare access in remote areas, demonstrating the power of a well-conceived and widely promoted social initiative.
The Cultural Revolution (文化大革命 / 无产阶级文化大革命, 1966-1976): This tumultuous and destructive political movement aimed to purge "bourgeois" and "revisionist" elements and solidify Mao's power.
Advertising Techniques: This campaign was a masterclass in psychological manipulation and the creation of mass hysteria. Mao deliberately leveraged the fervor of young people (the Red Guards) as his primary "marketing force." The "Little Red Book" (Quotations from Chairman Mao Zedong) became a ubiquitous "product," carried and quoted by millions, almost like a sacred text. Propaganda posters, revolutionary operas, and mass rallies created an immersive and inescapable ideological environment. Constant "struggle sessions" and public denunciations served as a form of negative advertising against perceived enemies.
Influence: Driven by relentless propaganda and extreme mass mobilization, the Cultural Revolution led to widespread social upheaval, persecution, and the destruction of cultural heritage, showcasing the immense, destructive power of unchecked political "campaigning."
Comparison with Western Propagandists
While Mao's methods were those of a totalitarian ruler, his effectiveness as a propagandist can be compared to Western figures like Ronald Reagan, Winston Churchill, Donald Trump, and Martin Luther King Jr., though fundamental differences in context and objectives must be acknowledged.
Ronald Reagan ("The Great Communicator"):Like Mao, Reagan excelled at simplifying complex ideas and using memorable soundbites ("Evil Empire," "Tear down this wall"). His strength lay in optimistic storytelling and framing clear choices, appealing to shared values. However, Reagan operated within a democratic framework with a free press and political opposition; he had to persuade, not coerce.
Winston Churchill: A master orator, Churchill used evocative language and powerful metaphors ("blood, toil, tears, and sweat," "we shall never surrender") to rally a nation during wartime. His goal was unity and resolve against an external threat, appealing to patriotism and courage within a free society.
Donald Trump: A disruptive force, Trump mastered direct-to-base communication via social media and rallies. His use of repetitive, often provocative, catchphrases ("Make America Great Again," "Fake News") created strong in-group identity and out-group hostility. While cultivating a personality cult, his methods were decentralized and constantly challenged by a free press and political opposition.
Martin Luther King Jr.: MLK Jr. was a master of moral persuasion, appealing to universal human rights and the conscience of a nation. His "I Have a Dream" speech, filled with visionary language and sophisticated rhetoric, aimed for social transformation through non-violent advocacy, operating against existing power structures, relying on ideas and empathy.
The core distinction lies in control vs. competition and coercion vs. consent. Mao operated in a system of absolute state control, where his "propaganda" was the sole, inescapable message, enforced through physical and psychological coercion. His aim was total societal and individual transformation. Western leaders, in contrast, operated within competitive media landscapes and political systems, relying on persuasion to gain consent (e.g., through votes, public support) for specific policies or to unite a nation, not to achieve total thought control or enforced ideological indoctrination.
Conclusion
Mao Zedong's effectiveness as a "great advertising man" derived from his deep psychological insight, his uncanny ability to simplify complex ideologies into readily digestible slogans, and his strategic integration of propaganda into every facet of national life. He understood that relentless repetition, potent emotional appeal, and the forging of a powerful collective identity were key to mobilizing millions, regardless of the catastrophic consequences of the "products" (policies and movements) he was "selling." His legacy serves as a stark and powerful reminder of the immense, and potentially dangerous, intersection of propaganda, mass communication, and political power, a scale of influence rarely, if ever, achieved in the commercial realm.
發表文章
