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2026年2月10日 星期二

From Empire to Diversity: A Brief History of UK Immigration

 From Empire to Diversity: A Brief History of UK Immigration




Britain’s immigration story is deeply entwined with its imperial past. For centuries, the United Kingdom stood at the centre of a global empire, drawing soldiers, workers, and traders from across the world. Yet, modern immigration truly began after 1945, when the nation sought to rebuild from the devastation of the Second World War.

The Polish Resettlement Act of 1947 marked Britain’s first mass immigration law, allowing thousands of wartime allies to settle and help reconstruct the country. A year later, the British Nationality Act of 1948 defined all Commonwealth citizens as “Citizens of the United Kingdom and Colonies,” granting them the right to live and work in Britain. This paved the way for large-scale migration from the Caribbean, India, Pakistan, and later Africa—symbolised by the arrival of the HMT Empire Windrush in 1948.

In the 1950s and 1960s, Britain’s post-war labour shortages made immigration essential, particularly for public services like transport and healthcare. Yet rapid demographic change brought new social and political tensions. The Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1962 introduced the first major restrictions, followed by further controls through the 1970s.

Later decades saw immigration shift from Commonwealth arrivals to European and global migration, culminating in debates around free movement under the European Union and recent reforms after Brexit.

Today, the United Kingdom stands as one of the most ethnically and culturally diverse countries in Europe. Its immigration history reflects both the legacy of empire and the ongoing effort to balance economic needs, national identity, and social cohesion.

2026年1月31日 星期六

The Rise and Relative Decline of the UK in World GDP – An Economic History since 1800

 The Rise and Relative Decline of the UK in World GDP – An Economic History since 1800

Over the past two centuries, the United Kingdom has moved from being the world’s leading industrial power to a large but mid‑sized economy in global GDP terms. Measured as a share of world output, Britain’s position peaked in the late 19th century and then gradually eroded as industrialisation spread and new powers—especially the United States, Germany, Japan, and later China—rose. The turning point in this long‑run story lies not in a single year, but in the period from the 1870s to the 1914, when Britain’s share of global GDP began a sustained, secular decline.

Britain’s golden age, 1800–1870

At the start of the 19th century, Britain was the first nation to industrialise and quickly became the “workshop of the world.” By the 1870s, it accounted for roughly 9–10% of global GDP and an even larger share of global manufacturing output (around 22–23%). During this phase, the UK’s gap with other economies was widening: its share of world GDP was growing faster than that of continental Europe, the United States, and Asia.

This golden age rested on several pillars: coal‑powered industry, a large colonial and maritime empire, a relatively open trade regime, and early leadership in railways, textiles, and engineering. For students of economic history, this period looks like a classic case of first‑mover advantage in industrialisation, where Britain captured a disproportionate slice of global income before others caught up.

The turning point: 1870–1914

From the 1870s onward, Britain’s share of world GDP stopped rising and then began to fall. By 1913, the UK’s share of global GDP had slipped to around 8–9%, while its share of global manufacturing had fallen to about 13–14%. This marks the key turning point: the moment when catch‑up by the United States and Germany started to outweigh Britain’s own growth.

Several forces converged:

  • The Second Industrial Revolution (steel, chemicals, electricity, mass production) took root faster in the US and Germany than in Britain, where older industries and institutions were slower to adapt.

  • Rising protectionism and imperial competition pushed trade patterns away from the relatively free‑trade order Britain had championed in the mid‑19th century.

  • The burden of empire and military spending began to weigh more heavily on public finances and investment choices.

From an economic‑history standpoint, 1870–1914 is when Britain’s relative gap in global GDP peaked and then began its long descent.

The interwar and post‑1945 era

The two world wars accelerated the decline in Britain’s global weight. The costs of fighting, the loss of overseas assets, and the erosion of sterling’s role as the dominant global currency all chipped away at the UK’s share of world output. By the mid‑20th century, Britain’s share of global GDP had fallen into the low‑single‑digit percentages, even though the economy itself continued to grow in absolute terms.

In the post‑1945 period, deindustrialisation, the end of empire, and the rise of the United States and later East Asia further compressed Britain’s global footprint. By the 1970s, the UK’s share of world manufacturing output had dropped to around 5%, and its share of global GDP hovered near 4–5% in nominal terms.

Recent decades: consolidation rather than recovery

Since the 1980s, the UK has remained a large, highly globalised economy, but its share of world GDP has stabilised rather than rebounded. Recent World Bank data show the UK accounting for about 3.2–3.5% of world GDP in current‑dollar terms, with purchasing‑power‑adjusted shares around 2.0–2.2%. In other words, Britain is now a top‑ten economy in size, but no longer a dominant global power in income terms.

From an economic‑history perspective, the long‑run trend since 1800 is clear: Britain’s gap as a share of global GDP first widened, then peaked around 1870–1913, and has since narrowed steadily as the world economy diversified and industrialised. The turning point is best understood not as a sudden crash, but as the moment when catch‑up by other industrial powers began to outpace Britain’s own growth.


2025年12月12日 星期五

When Rites Are Lost, Seek Them in the Periphery”: What Singapore and Hong Kong Reveal About Old Britain

 “When Rites Are Lost, Seek Them in the Periphery”: What Singapore and Hong Kong Reveal About Old Britain

The meaning of 禮失求諸野

In classical Chinese thought, 禮 refers not only to ritual but to the entire framework of social norms, etiquette, and moralized institutions. When the center is said to have “lost” its rites (禮失), it implies that foundational values and forms have frayed or been forgotten. Seeking them “in the wilds” (求諸野) does not romanticize the frontier, but suggests that practices once mainstream may survive in peripheral or less rapidly changing environments.

Applied to the British world, Great Britain itself is the “center,” while far‑flung colonial cities function as “the wilds” in which certain older forms of Britishness persisted. Singapore and Hong Kong, as former Crown colonies and trading entrepôts, absorbed British institutions and norms at specific historical moments, then partially froze them in place even as Britain moved on.

One of the clearest survivals of “old Britain” in both Singapore and Hong Kong is the common‑law legal tradition. British colonial rule transplanted a particular style of legal reasoning: adversarial trials, precedent‑driven judgments, and a strong emphasis on judicial procedure and formal independence. In Hong Kong, even after 1997, the Court of Final Appeal, the use of English in higher courts, and the weight given to case law echo a late‑imperial British legal culture. In Singapore, the courts’ language, citation habits, and courtroom etiquette also reflect British training and institutional design, even as local jurisprudence has developed its own character.

Meanwhile, within Britain, legal practice has been reshaped by European integration (and then Brexit), human‑rights instruments, managerial reforms, and changing social expectations. What feels like “classic” British legalism—robes and wigs, ceremonially formal courts, and a certain rhetorical style—often appears more intact in the former colonies than in the metropole, where modernization and internal critique have softened some of these older forms.

Civil service, order, and bureaucratic ethos

Colonial Britain exported not just laws, but an entire ethos of civil administration. In both Singapore and Hong Kong, the civil service inherited a model emphasizing exam‑based recruitment, proceduralism, and a self‑image as politically neutral, technocratic guardians of public order. Singapore elevated this into a core national narrative of clean, efficient, meritocratic government. Hong Kong’s colonial administration and, later, its civil servants cultivated a reputation for professionalism and continuity beyond changes in political leadership.

In Britain, by contrast, the same administrative tradition has faced decades of reform rhetoric, privatization, budget tightening, and a polarizing media environment that often portrays “bureaucrats” with suspicion. To a visitor accustomed to the self‑consciously technocratic state cultures of Singapore or late‑colonial Hong Kong, contemporary British governance can feel less like the sober, duty‑bound imperial administration imagined from the past and more like a site of partisan contest. In this sense, the “old British” ideal of the impartial, stoic civil servant may be more visibly honored in the ex‑colonial periphery than in the former imperial core.

Urban order, politeness, and everyday norms

The colonial city was a stage on which British ideas of urban order were performed and codified. Formal town planning, zoning, public gardens, promenades, club culture, and a certain style of public decorum were all part of the imperial project. Hong Kong’s urban fabric—its post‑war public housing ethos, hilltop parks, colonial‑era clubs and schools—still carries traces of a British vision of how a dense port city should be organized. Singapore’s obsession with cleanliness, orderly public space, queueing, and regulated street life can also be read as a local re‑articulation of British urban norms, fused with Confucian and technocratic values.

In Britain itself, the social rituals once taken as emblematic—formal attire in public life, rigid class markers in speech and manners, strict expectations of deference—have been eroded by cultural pluralism, youth culture, and several waves of social liberalization. Some visitors find that the “polite,” reserved Britain they imagined appears more tangibly encoded in the habits of English‑medium schools, business etiquette, and administrative culture in Singapore and Hong Kong than on the streets of London or Manchester.

Education and the ideal of the gentleman

British colonialism invested heavily in schooling local elites in a particular kind of English education: literary, legalistic, and oriented toward producing “gentlemen” who could mediate between empire and colony. In Hong Kong, elite English‑medium schools, debating societies, and university traditions recall mid‑20th‑century British schooling in their emphasis on examinations, prefect systems, and co‑curricular training for leadership. Singapore’s top schools and universities, with uniforms, house systems, and a strong examination culture, also reflect adaptations of British grammar‑school traditions.

Within Britain, the grammar‑school and old public‑school ethos has been widely debated, challenged, and partly dismantled or transformed by comprehensive schooling and mass higher education. As a result, some of the structures and rituals associated with classic British education—school songs, formal assemblies, house competitions—can feel more prominent in former colonies than in many parts of contemporary Britain, where they have been diluted, diversified, or consciously rejected.

Economic culture and commercial ethics

As trading hubs, both Singapore and Hong Kong internalized an older British faith in free trade, contract, and commercial probity. The colonial port city idealized the predictable enforcement of contracts, low tariffs, and a clear commercial code. Singapore’s branding as a rules‑based, open economy and Hong Kong’s long‑standing self‑image as a laissez‑faire entrepôt both echo an earlier British liberal economic philosophy that once framed London’s role as “workshop of the world.”

In present‑day Britain, economic life is shaped by deindustrialization, debates over inequality, and the legacies of European membership and withdrawal. Public discourse around trade and finance has become heavily politicized, and the older imperial language of free‑trade moralism has faded. By contrast, the former colonies sometimes preserve a streamlined, almost ideal‑type version of British commercial liberalism—modified by local priorities, but still recognizably descended from a 19th–20th century British worldview.

Identity, memory, and selective inheritance

禮失求諸野 does not mean that the “periphery” is more authentic than the center. It suggests that when a culture transforms itself, older strata may survive in places that once learned from it but then travelled on different trajectories. Singapore and Hong Kong did not simply “freeze” British norms; they localized them, mixing them with Chinese, Malay, Indian, and other cultural resources, and with their own political imperatives. What survives of “old Britain” in these cities is thus selective and refracted.

From this angle, wandering through a colonial‑era courthouse in Hong Kong, an elite school hall in Singapore, or a meticulously ordered civil‑service office in either place can feel like walking through a museum of British modernity—curated unintentionally by local history. Meanwhile, Britain itself, like every living society, continues to change, sometimes leaving behind the very forms that once defined it.