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2025年12月12日 星期五

When Rites Are Lost, Seek Them in the Periphery”: What Singapore and Hong Kong Reveal About Old Britain

 “When Rites Are Lost, Seek Them in the Periphery”: What Singapore and Hong Kong Reveal About Old Britain

The meaning of 禮失求諸野

In classical Chinese thought, 禮 refers not only to ritual but to the entire framework of social norms, etiquette, and moralized institutions. When the center is said to have “lost” its rites (禮失), it implies that foundational values and forms have frayed or been forgotten. Seeking them “in the wilds” (求諸野) does not romanticize the frontier, but suggests that practices once mainstream may survive in peripheral or less rapidly changing environments.

Applied to the British world, Great Britain itself is the “center,” while far‑flung colonial cities function as “the wilds” in which certain older forms of Britishness persisted. Singapore and Hong Kong, as former Crown colonies and trading entrepôts, absorbed British institutions and norms at specific historical moments, then partially froze them in place even as Britain moved on.

One of the clearest survivals of “old Britain” in both Singapore and Hong Kong is the common‑law legal tradition. British colonial rule transplanted a particular style of legal reasoning: adversarial trials, precedent‑driven judgments, and a strong emphasis on judicial procedure and formal independence. In Hong Kong, even after 1997, the Court of Final Appeal, the use of English in higher courts, and the weight given to case law echo a late‑imperial British legal culture. In Singapore, the courts’ language, citation habits, and courtroom etiquette also reflect British training and institutional design, even as local jurisprudence has developed its own character.

Meanwhile, within Britain, legal practice has been reshaped by European integration (and then Brexit), human‑rights instruments, managerial reforms, and changing social expectations. What feels like “classic” British legalism—robes and wigs, ceremonially formal courts, and a certain rhetorical style—often appears more intact in the former colonies than in the metropole, where modernization and internal critique have softened some of these older forms.

Civil service, order, and bureaucratic ethos

Colonial Britain exported not just laws, but an entire ethos of civil administration. In both Singapore and Hong Kong, the civil service inherited a model emphasizing exam‑based recruitment, proceduralism, and a self‑image as politically neutral, technocratic guardians of public order. Singapore elevated this into a core national narrative of clean, efficient, meritocratic government. Hong Kong’s colonial administration and, later, its civil servants cultivated a reputation for professionalism and continuity beyond changes in political leadership.

In Britain, by contrast, the same administrative tradition has faced decades of reform rhetoric, privatization, budget tightening, and a polarizing media environment that often portrays “bureaucrats” with suspicion. To a visitor accustomed to the self‑consciously technocratic state cultures of Singapore or late‑colonial Hong Kong, contemporary British governance can feel less like the sober, duty‑bound imperial administration imagined from the past and more like a site of partisan contest. In this sense, the “old British” ideal of the impartial, stoic civil servant may be more visibly honored in the ex‑colonial periphery than in the former imperial core.

Urban order, politeness, and everyday norms

The colonial city was a stage on which British ideas of urban order were performed and codified. Formal town planning, zoning, public gardens, promenades, club culture, and a certain style of public decorum were all part of the imperial project. Hong Kong’s urban fabric—its post‑war public housing ethos, hilltop parks, colonial‑era clubs and schools—still carries traces of a British vision of how a dense port city should be organized. Singapore’s obsession with cleanliness, orderly public space, queueing, and regulated street life can also be read as a local re‑articulation of British urban norms, fused with Confucian and technocratic values.

In Britain itself, the social rituals once taken as emblematic—formal attire in public life, rigid class markers in speech and manners, strict expectations of deference—have been eroded by cultural pluralism, youth culture, and several waves of social liberalization. Some visitors find that the “polite,” reserved Britain they imagined appears more tangibly encoded in the habits of English‑medium schools, business etiquette, and administrative culture in Singapore and Hong Kong than on the streets of London or Manchester.

Education and the ideal of the gentleman

British colonialism invested heavily in schooling local elites in a particular kind of English education: literary, legalistic, and oriented toward producing “gentlemen” who could mediate between empire and colony. In Hong Kong, elite English‑medium schools, debating societies, and university traditions recall mid‑20th‑century British schooling in their emphasis on examinations, prefect systems, and co‑curricular training for leadership. Singapore’s top schools and universities, with uniforms, house systems, and a strong examination culture, also reflect adaptations of British grammar‑school traditions.

Within Britain, the grammar‑school and old public‑school ethos has been widely debated, challenged, and partly dismantled or transformed by comprehensive schooling and mass higher education. As a result, some of the structures and rituals associated with classic British education—school songs, formal assemblies, house competitions—can feel more prominent in former colonies than in many parts of contemporary Britain, where they have been diluted, diversified, or consciously rejected.

Economic culture and commercial ethics

As trading hubs, both Singapore and Hong Kong internalized an older British faith in free trade, contract, and commercial probity. The colonial port city idealized the predictable enforcement of contracts, low tariffs, and a clear commercial code. Singapore’s branding as a rules‑based, open economy and Hong Kong’s long‑standing self‑image as a laissez‑faire entrepôt both echo an earlier British liberal economic philosophy that once framed London’s role as “workshop of the world.”

In present‑day Britain, economic life is shaped by deindustrialization, debates over inequality, and the legacies of European membership and withdrawal. Public discourse around trade and finance has become heavily politicized, and the older imperial language of free‑trade moralism has faded. By contrast, the former colonies sometimes preserve a streamlined, almost ideal‑type version of British commercial liberalism—modified by local priorities, but still recognizably descended from a 19th–20th century British worldview.

Identity, memory, and selective inheritance

禮失求諸野 does not mean that the “periphery” is more authentic than the center. It suggests that when a culture transforms itself, older strata may survive in places that once learned from it but then travelled on different trajectories. Singapore and Hong Kong did not simply “freeze” British norms; they localized them, mixing them with Chinese, Malay, Indian, and other cultural resources, and with their own political imperatives. What survives of “old Britain” in these cities is thus selective and refracted.

From this angle, wandering through a colonial‑era courthouse in Hong Kong, an elite school hall in Singapore, or a meticulously ordered civil‑service office in either place can feel like walking through a museum of British modernity—curated unintentionally by local history. Meanwhile, Britain itself, like every living society, continues to change, sometimes leaving behind the very forms that once defined it.

2025年8月31日 星期日

A comment on the maid fine

 A comment on the maid fine


You know, you see all sorts of things in the paper these days. But every once in a while, something just hits you. Like this story about the maid in Singapore. Now, you hear about a lot of things. A guy steals a loaf of bread, he goes to jail. Someone robs a bank, he goes to jail. But this? This is something else entirely.

Here's a woman. A maid. She's 53 years old, been at it for decades. She's got her main job, she's working, she's doing what she's supposed to do. She's on her rest days, her days off, the days you're supposed to put your feet up and maybe watch a little television. But she doesn't. She goes and cleans a few houses for a few hours, just trying to make a little extra money. Coffee money, as the fellow who wrote this put it.

And for that, for trying to make a little extra money on her own time, they fine her $13,000. Thirteen thousand dollars. That's a lot of money. The person she worked for, the one who hired her illegally, they got a fine too. Seven thousand dollars. The person who paid her for her work, they got fined less than she did. It's like fining the person who took the job more than the person who offered it. It doesn't make a whole lot of sense, does it?

And the government says it's about "protecting workers." Protecting them from what? From working? From making a little extra cash on their day off? It's like they're saying, "Look, we've designed a system for you. A system where you work for one person, for a certain amount of money, and you don't even think about stepping outside that line. We'll decide how you spend your time, even your own time." It's a funny kind of protection, isn't it? 🤷‍♂️


They talk about how this woman didn't have a valid work pass for part-time work. And I suppose that's true. The law's the law. But sometimes, you have to look at the law and ask yourself, "Does this make any sense?" We bring in foreign workers because, as they say, "Singaporeans don't want these jobs." We pay them, and then we make it so they can't even try to earn a little more. You see all these commercials on television about the hardworking spirit, and the value of a good day's work. They praise it, they celebrate it. As long as it's the right kind of work, I guess. As long as it's within the system.

This woman worked for four years for this one person. Four years. Both of them were happy with the arrangement. There was no exploitation, no one was complaining. The only person complaining was the system itself. The prosecutor even called the fine "quite kind." Kind? Taking 35 months of a person's side income? Taking five to seven months of their full-time salary? It's not a lot of money for some people, but it's everything for others.

And what's the message here? The message seems to be, "Know your place. Don't try to get ahead. Don't even think about improving your situation." It's a rigged game, they say. And I suppose it is. But when you look at it, it makes you wonder what the point of the game is in the first place. You work hard, you follow the rules, and then you get punished for working too hard. It just doesn't add up. It really doesn't.

2025年6月12日 星期四

Why Less Government Spending Can Mean More Prosperity

Beyond the Numbers: Why Less Government Spending Can Mean More Prosperity


Understanding how an economy truly functions requires looking beyond headline figures. While Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is a widely recognized measure of economic activity, alternative metrics offer a more nuanced view, particularly when evaluating the impact of government spending. This article will demystify GDP, introduce the concept of Pseudo-PPR, and then use 2023 data from G7 nations, Singapore, and Hong Kong to explain why a smaller government footprint in the economy can often lead to greater prosperity for citizens.

Deconstructing Economic Metrics: GDP, PPR, and Pseudo-PPR

To grasp the implications of government spending, let's first clarify three key economic terms:

  1. Gross Domestic Product (GDP): This is the most common measure of a country's economic output. GDP represents the total monetary value of all finished goods and services produced within a country's borders in a specific time period (usually a year). It's often calculated using the expenditure approach:

    GDP=C+I+G+(X−M)

    Where:

    • C = Consumer spending
    • I = Investment by businesses
    • G = Government consumption expenditures and gross investment
    • X = Exports
    • M = Imports

    A key characteristic of GDP is that it treats all components, including government spending, as equally contributing to economic growth and welfare.

  2. Pure Private Product (PPR): This concept, championed by Austrian School economists like Murray Rothbard, offers a stark contrast to GDP. PPR aims to measure only the output generated by the voluntary interactions of the private sector. It explicitly excludes all government activity, arguing that government spending, being coercive (funded through taxation or debt), does not represent genuine wealth creation in the same way as voluntary market exchanges. In a pure Rothbardian sense, PPR would essentially be GDP minus all government spending and government-influenced activities.

  3. Pseudo-PPR: Given the practical difficulty of precisely extracting all government-influenced activities, the "Pseudo-PPR" offers a more workable approximation for analysis. It is calculated by simply subtracting Government Consumption Expenditures and Gross Investment (G) from the total GDP:

    Pseudo−PPR=GDP−G

    This metric aims to highlight the portion of GDP that is directly driven by private sector consumption, investment, and net exports. It serves as a practical way to quantify the "market-driven product" within the conventional GDP framework, offering a rough gauge of the economic activity not directly consumed or invested by the state. The "gap" between GDP and Pseudo-PPR (G) directly represents the resources the government commands and consumes.

The Case for Small Government Spending: Data Speaks

Advocates for small government and free markets argue that lower government spending, particularly in the form of direct consumption and investment, is beneficial for the economy and its citizens. This perspective emphasizes that resources are generally allocated more efficiently by the private sector, driven by profit motives and consumer demand, than by government bureaucracies.

Let's examine the 2023 statistics for G7 countries and then contrast them with two renowned free-market economies, Singapore and Hong Kong.

CountryNominal GDP (2023, USD Trillions)Government Consumption & Investment (G) (2023, % of GDP)Pseudo-PPR (2023, % of GDP)
G7 Nations
United States$27.7217.4%82.6%
Germany$4.5320.6%79.4%
Japan$4.2019.4%80.6%
United Kingdom$3.3822.0%78.0%
France$3.0524.1%75.9%
Italy$2.3021.2%78.8%
Canada$2.1421.1%78.9%
Small Gov. Economies
Singapore$0.5010.2%89.8%
Hong Kong$0.3813.3%86.7%

(Note: GDP figures are nominal 2023, generally from IMF/World Bank estimates. Government Consumption & Investment as % of GDP is based on 'Government Final Consumption Expenditure' and 'Gross Fixed Capital Formation by General Government' data for 2023 or latest available, derived from official statistical agencies or reliable economic databases. Pseudo-PPR % is calculated as 100% - G as % of GDP.)

Why Smaller Government Spending Can Be Better for Citizens:

  1. Reduced "Crowding Out" of Private Investment: When governments engage in substantial spending, especially if funded through borrowing, they compete with the private sector for available capital. This "crowding out" can lead to higher interest rates, making it more expensive for businesses to borrow and invest, thus hindering job creation and economic expansion. Countries with lower "G as % of GDP," like Singapore and Hong Kong, demonstrate less government competition for capital, potentially allowing private investment to flourish.

  2. Enhanced Resource Allocation and Efficiency: The private sector, driven by profit and loss signals, is generally more efficient at allocating resources to meet consumer demand. Government spending, conversely, can be influenced by political considerations, special interests, or less direct feedback mechanisms, potentially leading to misallocation of resources and inefficiencies. The larger Pseudo-PPR in Singapore and Hong Kong suggests a greater proportion of resources are being directed by market forces.

  3. Lower Tax Burdens and Increased Incentives: High government spending often necessitates higher taxes on individuals and businesses. Lower government spending allows for lower tax rates, which can incentivize work, savings, investment, and entrepreneurship. When individuals and businesses retain more of their earnings, they have more disposable income for consumption and investment, fueling organic economic growth. Singapore, for instance, is renowned for its competitive tax rates.

  4. Greater Individual Economic Freedom: A smaller government footprint generally correlates with higher economic freedom. This means fewer regulations, easier business establishment, and more choices for consumers and producers. Economies like Singapore and Hong Kong consistently rank at the top of global economic freedom indices (Singapore was 1st globally in the 2023 Heritage Foundation Index), indicating an environment where individuals have extensive liberty in their economic pursuits. This freedom is a direct benefit to citizens, fostering innovation, wealth creation, and improved living standards.

  5. Fiscal Sustainability and Stability: Countries with lower government spending tend to have healthier fiscal positions, with less public debt. This creates a more stable economic environment, reducing the risk of financial crises and providing governments with greater flexibility to respond to unforeseen events.

Conclusion

While GDP remains an important measure, considering metrics like Pseudo-PPR offers a deeper understanding of the dynamics between state and market. The stark contrast between the G7 nations (with higher government consumption shares) and free-market champions like Singapore and Hong Kong (with significantly lower shares) highlights a compelling argument. For citizens, a smaller government that focuses on essential functions and allows the private sector to thrive often translates to more robust economic growth, greater opportunities, and ultimately, a higher standard of living driven by voluntary exchange and innovation. The data suggests that when governments consume less of the economic pie, there's more left for the citizens to enjoy and invest, leading to a more dynamic and prosperous society.