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2025年12月12日 星期五

When Rites Are Lost, Seek Them in the Periphery”: What Singapore and Hong Kong Reveal About Old Britain

 “When Rites Are Lost, Seek Them in the Periphery”: What Singapore and Hong Kong Reveal About Old Britain

The meaning of 禮失求諸野

In classical Chinese thought, 禮 refers not only to ritual but to the entire framework of social norms, etiquette, and moralized institutions. When the center is said to have “lost” its rites (禮失), it implies that foundational values and forms have frayed or been forgotten. Seeking them “in the wilds” (求諸野) does not romanticize the frontier, but suggests that practices once mainstream may survive in peripheral or less rapidly changing environments.

Applied to the British world, Great Britain itself is the “center,” while far‑flung colonial cities function as “the wilds” in which certain older forms of Britishness persisted. Singapore and Hong Kong, as former Crown colonies and trading entrepôts, absorbed British institutions and norms at specific historical moments, then partially froze them in place even as Britain moved on.

One of the clearest survivals of “old Britain” in both Singapore and Hong Kong is the common‑law legal tradition. British colonial rule transplanted a particular style of legal reasoning: adversarial trials, precedent‑driven judgments, and a strong emphasis on judicial procedure and formal independence. In Hong Kong, even after 1997, the Court of Final Appeal, the use of English in higher courts, and the weight given to case law echo a late‑imperial British legal culture. In Singapore, the courts’ language, citation habits, and courtroom etiquette also reflect British training and institutional design, even as local jurisprudence has developed its own character.

Meanwhile, within Britain, legal practice has been reshaped by European integration (and then Brexit), human‑rights instruments, managerial reforms, and changing social expectations. What feels like “classic” British legalism—robes and wigs, ceremonially formal courts, and a certain rhetorical style—often appears more intact in the former colonies than in the metropole, where modernization and internal critique have softened some of these older forms.

Civil service, order, and bureaucratic ethos

Colonial Britain exported not just laws, but an entire ethos of civil administration. In both Singapore and Hong Kong, the civil service inherited a model emphasizing exam‑based recruitment, proceduralism, and a self‑image as politically neutral, technocratic guardians of public order. Singapore elevated this into a core national narrative of clean, efficient, meritocratic government. Hong Kong’s colonial administration and, later, its civil servants cultivated a reputation for professionalism and continuity beyond changes in political leadership.

In Britain, by contrast, the same administrative tradition has faced decades of reform rhetoric, privatization, budget tightening, and a polarizing media environment that often portrays “bureaucrats” with suspicion. To a visitor accustomed to the self‑consciously technocratic state cultures of Singapore or late‑colonial Hong Kong, contemporary British governance can feel less like the sober, duty‑bound imperial administration imagined from the past and more like a site of partisan contest. In this sense, the “old British” ideal of the impartial, stoic civil servant may be more visibly honored in the ex‑colonial periphery than in the former imperial core.

Urban order, politeness, and everyday norms

The colonial city was a stage on which British ideas of urban order were performed and codified. Formal town planning, zoning, public gardens, promenades, club culture, and a certain style of public decorum were all part of the imperial project. Hong Kong’s urban fabric—its post‑war public housing ethos, hilltop parks, colonial‑era clubs and schools—still carries traces of a British vision of how a dense port city should be organized. Singapore’s obsession with cleanliness, orderly public space, queueing, and regulated street life can also be read as a local re‑articulation of British urban norms, fused with Confucian and technocratic values.

In Britain itself, the social rituals once taken as emblematic—formal attire in public life, rigid class markers in speech and manners, strict expectations of deference—have been eroded by cultural pluralism, youth culture, and several waves of social liberalization. Some visitors find that the “polite,” reserved Britain they imagined appears more tangibly encoded in the habits of English‑medium schools, business etiquette, and administrative culture in Singapore and Hong Kong than on the streets of London or Manchester.

Education and the ideal of the gentleman

British colonialism invested heavily in schooling local elites in a particular kind of English education: literary, legalistic, and oriented toward producing “gentlemen” who could mediate between empire and colony. In Hong Kong, elite English‑medium schools, debating societies, and university traditions recall mid‑20th‑century British schooling in their emphasis on examinations, prefect systems, and co‑curricular training for leadership. Singapore’s top schools and universities, with uniforms, house systems, and a strong examination culture, also reflect adaptations of British grammar‑school traditions.

Within Britain, the grammar‑school and old public‑school ethos has been widely debated, challenged, and partly dismantled or transformed by comprehensive schooling and mass higher education. As a result, some of the structures and rituals associated with classic British education—school songs, formal assemblies, house competitions—can feel more prominent in former colonies than in many parts of contemporary Britain, where they have been diluted, diversified, or consciously rejected.

Economic culture and commercial ethics

As trading hubs, both Singapore and Hong Kong internalized an older British faith in free trade, contract, and commercial probity. The colonial port city idealized the predictable enforcement of contracts, low tariffs, and a clear commercial code. Singapore’s branding as a rules‑based, open economy and Hong Kong’s long‑standing self‑image as a laissez‑faire entrepôt both echo an earlier British liberal economic philosophy that once framed London’s role as “workshop of the world.”

In present‑day Britain, economic life is shaped by deindustrialization, debates over inequality, and the legacies of European membership and withdrawal. Public discourse around trade and finance has become heavily politicized, and the older imperial language of free‑trade moralism has faded. By contrast, the former colonies sometimes preserve a streamlined, almost ideal‑type version of British commercial liberalism—modified by local priorities, but still recognizably descended from a 19th–20th century British worldview.

Identity, memory, and selective inheritance

禮失求諸野 does not mean that the “periphery” is more authentic than the center. It suggests that when a culture transforms itself, older strata may survive in places that once learned from it but then travelled on different trajectories. Singapore and Hong Kong did not simply “freeze” British norms; they localized them, mixing them with Chinese, Malay, Indian, and other cultural resources, and with their own political imperatives. What survives of “old Britain” in these cities is thus selective and refracted.

From this angle, wandering through a colonial‑era courthouse in Hong Kong, an elite school hall in Singapore, or a meticulously ordered civil‑service office in either place can feel like walking through a museum of British modernity—curated unintentionally by local history. Meanwhile, Britain itself, like every living society, continues to change, sometimes leaving behind the very forms that once defined it.

2025年10月10日 星期五

The Foundation of Fairness: Why Universal Law Must Hold in Modern Britain

 

The Foundation of Fairness: Why Universal Law Must Hold in Modern Britain

The bedrock of stability in the United Kingdom, built over hundreds of years, is the principle that Order comes first. This order is not just about keeping the peace; it is a stable system of governance defined by two pillars: Parliamentary Sovereignty and the Rule of Law.

Parliament makes the law, and the Rule of Law ensures that this law applies equally to every single person, regardless of their background, social status, religion, or wealth. This neutral, universal application of law is the source of all the freedoms, safety, and economic prosperity enjoyed by British citizens and residents.

The Rise of Downstream Pressures

In a free and diverse society like modern Britain, various groups emerge and thrive because the stable legal system grants them the rights to freedom of expression and assembly.

For instance, the Muslim community in the UK is able to practice its faith, organize politically, and build communities because the British Constitution and Common Law guarantee religious and civil liberties. Similarly, new movements driven by social justice and identity politics (often labeled 'Woke' culture) use the same freedoms—speech and protest—to push for social and legal change.

Under the framework of our constitutional tradition, these diverse social phenomena are considered "downstream" products. They are not the source of stability; they are guests in the house built by the universal law.

The Threat to Universalism

The central tension facing the UK’s government, whether it is led by the Labour party or any other, arises when the demands of these downstream groups challenge the very principle that protects them: Universalism.

Identity politics often advocates for institutions to treat different groups differently—to achieve specific outcomes (equity) rather than simply applying the law neutrally (equality). When this pressure is applied to essential institutions like the police, the integrity of the core order is threatened.

Accusations of "double-tier policing" are a perfect example of this threat. If the public perceives that law enforcement is making decisions based on who is protesting, who is complaining, or which group is involved, rather than strictly on the facts and the law, the principle of legal universality is broken.

Preserving the Core Order

According to established UK norms, abandoning the neutrality of the law is fundamentally destabilizing.

  1. Loss of Trust: If the police and courts are seen as tools for specific political or social factions, public trust erodes.

  2. Retreat to Tribalism: When citizens lose faith in the neutral state, they retreat into smaller, self-governing groups for safety and resolution, causing the whole society to fracture.

  3. Self-Destruction: The sophisticated freedoms enjoyed by all minority and interest groups are a direct result of the strong, neutral, constitutional order. To dismantle or compromise that order for the sake of short-term demands is to cut the branch upon which every group is sitting.

To ensure the long-term safety, freedom, and prosperity of all communities in the UK, governance must return to the fundamentals: a strict and unwavering commitment to the Rule of Law, applied the same way, every day, to every person, regardless of who they are or what their political views may be.