2025年12月14日 星期日

什麼是列寧主義國家?——定義、特徵,以及中國與英國的比較

 

什麼是列寧主義國家?——定義、特徵,以及中國與英國的比較


「列寧主義」是什麼意思?

列寧主義國家,是指其政治制度建立在**弗拉基米爾・列寧(Vladimir Lenin)**的政治理論之上,特別是他對國家權力如何組織與運作的構想。

列寧主義並不等同於一般的「社會主義」或「共產主義」,而是一種高度集權的政治治理模式,強調由政黨領導社會,而非透過多黨競爭來輪替執政。


列寧主義國家的主要特徵

學界普遍認為,列寧主義體制通常具有以下特點:

  1. 單一主導政黨
    一個政黨壟斷政治權力,並自認代表人民的根本利益。

  2. 先鋒黨理念
    政黨被視為具高度覺悟的領導集團,而非普通競爭者。

  3. 民主集中制
    內部可討論,但一旦上級決定,下級必須嚴格服從。

  4. 黨政合一
    政黨凌駕於政府、司法、軍隊與傳媒之上。

  5. 意識形態正當性
    政權合法性來自官方意識形態,而非自由選舉。

  6. 有限政治多元
    反對派若存在,實際上難以取得執政權。


當代中國是否為列寧主義國家?

是的——政治學界普遍認為中國是一個現代列寧主義國家,但形式有所調整。

  • 中國共產黨為唯一執政黨

  • 官方意識形態源自馬克思列寧主義

  • 黨領導國家、軍隊、司法與主要媒體

  • 政治多元受到嚴格限制

  • 經濟上引入市場機制,但政治結構仍屬列寧主義

簡言之,中國是政治上列寧主義、經濟上非列寧主義的混合體。


英國是否為列寧主義國家?

不是,而且距離甚遠。

英國的特點包括:

  • 多黨競爭與和平政權輪替

  • 政黨與國家制度明確分離

  • 獨立司法與自由媒體

  • 無官方強制意識形態

  • 在野黨可合法成為執政黨

這些特徵與列寧主義體制根本不相容


中國與英國距離列寧主義有多近?

  • 中國:非常接近(保留核心列寧主義政治結構)

  • 英國:極為遙遠(制度基礎完全不同)


結語

列寧主義的關鍵不在文化或經濟,而在於權力如何集中、正當化與運作
理解列寧主義,有助於我們清楚分辨表面相似、但政治本質截然不同的國家。

What Is a Leninist Country? Definition, Characteristics, and a Comparison of China and the UK

 

What Is a Leninist Country? Definition, Characteristics, and a Comparison of China and the UK


What does “Leninist” mean?

Leninist country is a state whose political system is based on the ideas of Vladimir Lenin, particularly his theory of how power should be organized and exercised in a modern state. Leninism is not simply “socialism” or “communism”; it refers specifically to a method of political organization and governance.

At its core, Leninism emphasizes centralized political authority, a vanguard party, and the belief that the state must actively guide society toward a defined ideological goal.


Key characteristics of a Leninist country

Most scholars agree that a Leninist system typically includes the following features:

  1. A single dominant ruling party
    Political power is monopolized by one party that claims to represent the long-term interests of the people.

  2. The vanguard party concept
    The ruling party sees itself as an enlightened elite that leads society, rather than competing equally with other parties.

  3. Democratic centralism
    Internal discussion may exist, but once decisions are made at the top, lower levels must strictly comply.

  4. Fusion of party and state
    Party leadership overrides or directs government institutions, courts, military, and media.

  5. Ideological legitimacy
    The ruling party justifies its authority through an official ideology, not through regular electoral competition alone.

  6. Limited political pluralism
    Opposition parties, if allowed at all, do not have a realistic path to governing power.


Is present-day China a Leninist country?

Yes — China is widely regarded by political scientists as a modern Leninist state, though with important adaptations.

  • The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is the sole ruling party.

  • The CCP explicitly follows Marxism–Leninism, adapted as “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics.”

  • Party leadership stands above the state, the courts, the military, and major media.

  • Political pluralism is tightly restricted.

  • Market economics exist, but political power remains Leninist in structure.

In short, China combines Leninist political control with non-Leninist economic mechanisms.


Is the United Kingdom a Leninist country?

No — the UK is not a Leninist country, nor is it close.

Key differences include:

  • Multi-party competitive elections with peaceful transfer of power

  • Clear separation between political parties and the state

  • Independent judiciary and media

  • No official ideology enforced by the state

  • Opposition parties can and do form governments

While the UK has strong institutions and party discipline, these operate within a pluralist democratic framework, not a Leninist one.


How close are China and the UK to Leninism?

  • China: Very close — it retains the core structural features of Leninism.

  • UK: Very distant — its system is fundamentally incompatible with Leninist principles.


Conclusion

A Leninist country is defined not by culture or economics, but by how political power is organized, justified, and enforced.
Understanding Leninism helps clarify why states that may look economically similar can be politically very different.

香港島與世界第一張等高線地圖:一項被遺忘的全球創舉

 

香港島與世界第一張等高線地圖:一項被遺忘的全球創舉


鮮為人知的是,香港島在世界地理學史上佔有一個極其重要的位置。1845年,香港開埠初期,英國皇家工兵為香港島繪製了一張詳細地形圖,首次在陸地地形測繪中系統性地使用等高線來表示高度。這張地圖普遍被視為世界上第一張實際應用於陸地的等高線地圖

在等高線出現之前,地形多以陰影線、斜線或文字標註高度來表現,既主觀又難以精確理解。香港島地圖的創新之處,在於使用等距、連續的等高線,讓讀圖者能以科學方式理解高度、坡度與地形結構。此方法後來成為全球地形測繪、工程建設、軍事規劃與城市發展的標準工具。

這項突破並非偶然。香港島地勢陡峭、地形複雜,傳統繪圖方法已無法應付實際需要。在軍事與基建的迫切需求下,測量人員被迫創新,結果卻為全世界帶來一種全新的地圖語言。

然而,如此重大的歷史成就,卻極少出現在香港的學校課程中。學生在地理課上學習等高線,卻很少知道——這個改變世界的地圖技術,正是首先在香港島上誕生並被實踐

香港應該重新記住這段歷史,並將其納入:

  • 中小學地理與歷史教育

  • 博物館與公共展覽

  • 教科書與學術介紹

  • 發行一枚紀念郵票,向世界展示香港對全球知識的貢獻

記住這段歷史,並非為殖民歷史歌功頌德,而是肯定香港作為一個因現實需要而催生創新的地方,曾在世界科學與地理發展中留下不可磨滅的印記。

Hong Kong Island and the World’s First Contour Map: A Forgotten Global First

 

Hong Kong Island and the World’s First Contour Map: A Forgotten Global First


Few people realize that Hong Kong Island holds a quiet but profound place in the history of world geography. In 1845, shortly after Hong Kong became a British colony, a detailed survey map of Hong Kong Island was produced using contour lines to represent elevation. This map is widely regarded as the world’s first practical contour map of land topography.

Before contour maps, terrain was shown using hachures, shading, or written height notes. These methods were subjective and imprecise. The Hong Kong Island map introduced systematic, evenly spaced contour lines, allowing readers to understand height, slope, and landform scientifically and quantitatively. This innovation later became the global standard for topographic mapping, engineering, military planning, and urban development.

The reason this breakthrough occurred in Hong Kong was not accidental. Hong Kong Island’s steep, complex terrain, combined with urgent military and infrastructure needs, forced surveyors to abandon traditional methods and invent a more accurate way to represent the land. In solving a local problem, they created a tool that changed global cartography.

Despite its global significance, this achievement is rarely taught in Hong Kong schools and remains largely unknown to the public. Hong Kong students learn about contour maps in geography class, yet few are told that this foundational technique was first applied on their own island.

Hong Kong should reclaim and remember this achievement. It deserves a place in:

  • Geography and history curricula

  • Museum exhibitions

  • Public lectures and textbooks

  • A commemorative postage stamp, symbolizing Hong Kong’s contribution to global science and knowledge

Remembering this story is not about colonial pride or politics. It is about recognizing Hong Kong as a place where practical intelligence, necessity, and innovation intersected, leaving a lasting mark on the world.

2025年12月12日 星期五

台中「豐原五口命案」「買黃金還有手續費可賺」

台中「豐原五口命案」歷經三個多月調查,台中地檢署偵結,認定主嫌李姓團購主以「黃金團購、保證獲利」為誘因,詐騙王姓一家長達一年,期間共誘導刷卡購入53筆、639萬元黃金,卻全數變現拿去還債、補洞,並以違約金恐嚇王家,導致五口承受巨大壓力走上絕路。 


🙏 首先,面對這麼令人心痛的社會新聞,我們不能只是用冷冰冰的法律或輿論去評斷,作為佛教徒或學佛的人,更應該從佛法的智慧中尋找提醒、安慰和指引。

以下引用佛經和佛陀的教導,對這類「因貪欲與無明而陷入絕境」的悲劇,給予幾方面的思考:


🔹 《法句經》

「貪心者墮苦海,不知足者心常苦;知足之人雖貧亦富。」(《法句經》第204偈)

👉 王家人一開始看見「買黃金還有手續費可賺」就心生貪念,不知滿足地投入,卻因此愈陷愈深。佛經指出,貪心是痛苦之源,會讓人盲目判斷、做出錯誤決定。


🔹 《增一阿含經》

「有三事能令眾生沉淪:貪、瞋、癡。」
👉 這裡的「癡」指愚癡、無明,當人缺乏智慧、分辨力,容易被詐騙或騙局吸引;又因貪欲不止,就會一步步被誘導至無法收拾。


🔹 《佛說八大人覺經》

「貧苦多怨,廣積罪緣;生死苦本,皆由貪欲。」
👉 不僅是王家,很多人因金錢壓力而起貪念,進一步造作惡業。佛教教導要正視自己內心的欲望和執著,從而減少苦因。


🔹 《阿含經》提醒:

「眾生因業受苦,應當生慈心、助彼解脫。」
👉 周遭的人若能真心用心去了解、同理他人困境,不只用「你可以裝監視器」這種形式化的建議,而是從精神支持、協助資源安排開始,也許能減少此類悲劇。


🔹 佛法給現代人的啟示
1️⃣ 學習知足、知止
《法句經》一再強調知足,這能止息過度追逐的心。王家若早能停下不合理的「高獲利」夢想,或能避免掉入騙局。

2️⃣ 保持正念、遠離貪欲
貪心讓人失去清明的判斷。平時要訓練正念,看清誘惑背後的危險。

3️⃣ 遇困境時求助佛法與善知識
佛法中有觀音菩薩「尋聲救苦」,若能到寺院、佛堂,或找真正的善知識,透過佛法學習重新穩定心念,而不只是世俗的短線方案。

4️⃣ 社會該有更多溫暖的支援
佛經說「以悲心度眾生」,社會各界應提供真實、有效的傾聽與協助,而不是流於表面。


🙏 小結
王家人的悲劇提醒我們:佛經千年來早已告訴世人,貪心是痛苦的根,面對金錢誘惑與壓力,要以智慧檢視因果,不要盲從;遇困境時,不只應該求法律援助,更應有心靈支持。而身邊的人若能多用心了解、適時伸出援手,悲劇或可避免。


面對家長「犀利」提問,老師這樣智慧回覆!

面對家長「犀利」提問,老師這樣智慧回覆!

當老師面對家長對懷孕、身材等狀況的質疑時,直接回罵當然不是最好的方式。我們可以借鏡那些「高情商」的建議,運用幽默、同理心、真誠以及語言藝術,化解尷尬,甚至將危機化為轉機。


情境一:家長質疑老師懷孕影響教學品質,要求換班導。

家長:「老師,我聽說您懷孕了?我有點擔心老師生完孩子會沒心教我家女兒,可不可以幫她換個還沒結婚的班導?」

老師的回應:

  1. 運用幽默與自嘲

    「哎呀,這位家長,您真是火眼金睛!我肚子裡這位『小客人』還沒報到,您就已經幫他想好『影響力』了。說到心力,我倒是覺得當媽媽之後,反而更懂得怎麼照顧孩子,畢竟我在家裡也是個『導師』呢! 對教學的熱情,只會加倍不會減少啦!」

  2. 展現同理心與真誠

    「我能理解您為孩子學習品質擔憂的心情,畢竟每個家長都希望孩子能得到最好的教育。不過請您放心,對我來說,班上的每個孩子都像我的小寶貝一樣重要。 我會確保在懷孕期間和未來,我的教學品質和對孩子的關心都一如既往,甚至會因為這份新的生命體驗,讓我更有耐心和愛心來面對孩子們喔。」

  3. 結合語言藝術與正面肯定

    「感謝您對老師狀況的關心。其實,懷孕對我來說,是一份甜蜜的負擔,更是教學上的『神助攻』呢! 很多時候,當媽媽的經驗反而讓我更能同理孩子們的各種狀況,未來在班級經營上,我相信會有更多元的視角。您可以再觀察看看,相信您會對我的表現很有信心的。」


情境二:家長得知老師懷第三胎,抱怨「使唔使咁好需要?」。

家長:「哇!老師又大肚?使唔使咁好需要?」

老師的回應:

  1. 運用幽默反轉與語言藝術 (若家長有孩子,此招效果更佳)

    「哎呀,這位家長,您這句話說得可真傳神!『好需要』這詞用得太精妙了,連我都想跟您討教討教呢! 不過說真的,生孩子這件事,對我來說真的是非常感恩,也很珍惜。就像您家裡也有四個可愛的孩子,這份『需要』,大概就是身為父母,對新生命最原始的渴望吧!」(語帶笑意,眼神真誠,將對方話語轉為對新生命的喜悅,並以對方也有多個孩子來同理)

  2. 堅定立場並間接導正 (若家長無孩子,或不便提及對方狀況)

    「我能理解您聽到這個消息可能會覺得驚訝。不過,懷孕是我們每個女性同仁的個人選擇,也是人生中非常重要的階段。 對於教學工作,我們每一位老師都會秉持著專業和熱情,盡力做到最好。我們的『需要』,是把課堂上的孩子教好,把他們照顧好,這份心從來不會改變的。」(語氣溫和但立場堅定,將「需要」的焦點從私人生活轉回專業教學,展現教師的責任與專業形象)


情境三:家長抱怨老師懷孕影響教學銜接,甚至指責老師不該懷孕。

家長:「做得老師就唔應該大肚喇,係都暑假搞掂曬喇,不得了。」

老師的回應:

  1. 運用幽默與真誠,輕巧化解 「哈,家長您這個建議真是太有趣了!如果生孩子能像排課表一樣,在暑假『搞定』,那老師們可能就都省心了! 可惜這『天大的喜事』,往往不是我們能完全規劃的。不過,請您放心,學校和老師都會在教學安排上做好萬全準備,確保孩子的學習進度不受影響。」(用輕鬆的語氣承認現實的困難,同時表達學校會負責的態度)

情境四:家長投訴老師因生完孩子變胖,擔心會「教壞小朋友」。

家長:「老師生完小朋友後身形胖了很多,會教壞小朋友,因為肥是不健康的。」

老師的回應:

  1. 運用自嘲與同理心,導向健康觀念

    「哎呀,家長您觀察真仔細!看來我這『愛的結晶』,不僅帶來了小寶寶,也帶來了一些『甜蜜的負擔』在身上呢。 不過啊,老師在學校教的是知識、是品格、是各種健康的習慣,不單單只有外在身材。健康的定義很廣,包含身心平衡,老師也會持續努力,在孩子面前展現積極、樂觀的生活態度,教導他們真正懂得什麼是健康與自信!」(幽默地承認體態變化,並巧妙地將話題轉移到更全面的健康觀念和教育目標上)

  2. 溫和堅定,強調教育價值

    「我明白您對孩子健康觀念的重視。不過,每個人都有不同的體態,健康也不只看體重,更重要的是生活習慣和身心狀態。 在學校裡,我們努力教導孩子建立正確的健康觀念,例如均衡飲食、規律運動、保持心情愉快。更重要的是,我們希望教導孩子懂得尊重每個人的獨特性,學習欣賞不同的人,不以單一標準去評判他人。 老師會以身作則,引導孩子們建立更宏觀、更包容的健康觀念。」(不迴避問題,直接闡述對健康的多元理解,並將重點拉回教育孩子尊重與包容的價值觀上)


這些應對方式旨在展現老師的專業素養、智慧和情商,即使面對不合理的質疑,也能從容應對,保護自己和同事,同時維護良好的家校關係。

When Rites Are Lost, Seek Them in the Periphery”: What Singapore and Hong Kong Reveal About Old Britain

 “When Rites Are Lost, Seek Them in the Periphery”: What Singapore and Hong Kong Reveal About Old Britain

The meaning of 禮失求諸野

In classical Chinese thought, 禮 refers not only to ritual but to the entire framework of social norms, etiquette, and moralized institutions. When the center is said to have “lost” its rites (禮失), it implies that foundational values and forms have frayed or been forgotten. Seeking them “in the wilds” (求諸野) does not romanticize the frontier, but suggests that practices once mainstream may survive in peripheral or less rapidly changing environments.

Applied to the British world, Great Britain itself is the “center,” while far‑flung colonial cities function as “the wilds” in which certain older forms of Britishness persisted. Singapore and Hong Kong, as former Crown colonies and trading entrepôts, absorbed British institutions and norms at specific historical moments, then partially froze them in place even as Britain moved on.

One of the clearest survivals of “old Britain” in both Singapore and Hong Kong is the common‑law legal tradition. British colonial rule transplanted a particular style of legal reasoning: adversarial trials, precedent‑driven judgments, and a strong emphasis on judicial procedure and formal independence. In Hong Kong, even after 1997, the Court of Final Appeal, the use of English in higher courts, and the weight given to case law echo a late‑imperial British legal culture. In Singapore, the courts’ language, citation habits, and courtroom etiquette also reflect British training and institutional design, even as local jurisprudence has developed its own character.

Meanwhile, within Britain, legal practice has been reshaped by European integration (and then Brexit), human‑rights instruments, managerial reforms, and changing social expectations. What feels like “classic” British legalism—robes and wigs, ceremonially formal courts, and a certain rhetorical style—often appears more intact in the former colonies than in the metropole, where modernization and internal critique have softened some of these older forms.

Civil service, order, and bureaucratic ethos

Colonial Britain exported not just laws, but an entire ethos of civil administration. In both Singapore and Hong Kong, the civil service inherited a model emphasizing exam‑based recruitment, proceduralism, and a self‑image as politically neutral, technocratic guardians of public order. Singapore elevated this into a core national narrative of clean, efficient, meritocratic government. Hong Kong’s colonial administration and, later, its civil servants cultivated a reputation for professionalism and continuity beyond changes in political leadership.

In Britain, by contrast, the same administrative tradition has faced decades of reform rhetoric, privatization, budget tightening, and a polarizing media environment that often portrays “bureaucrats” with suspicion. To a visitor accustomed to the self‑consciously technocratic state cultures of Singapore or late‑colonial Hong Kong, contemporary British governance can feel less like the sober, duty‑bound imperial administration imagined from the past and more like a site of partisan contest. In this sense, the “old British” ideal of the impartial, stoic civil servant may be more visibly honored in the ex‑colonial periphery than in the former imperial core.

Urban order, politeness, and everyday norms

The colonial city was a stage on which British ideas of urban order were performed and codified. Formal town planning, zoning, public gardens, promenades, club culture, and a certain style of public decorum were all part of the imperial project. Hong Kong’s urban fabric—its post‑war public housing ethos, hilltop parks, colonial‑era clubs and schools—still carries traces of a British vision of how a dense port city should be organized. Singapore’s obsession with cleanliness, orderly public space, queueing, and regulated street life can also be read as a local re‑articulation of British urban norms, fused with Confucian and technocratic values.

In Britain itself, the social rituals once taken as emblematic—formal attire in public life, rigid class markers in speech and manners, strict expectations of deference—have been eroded by cultural pluralism, youth culture, and several waves of social liberalization. Some visitors find that the “polite,” reserved Britain they imagined appears more tangibly encoded in the habits of English‑medium schools, business etiquette, and administrative culture in Singapore and Hong Kong than on the streets of London or Manchester.

Education and the ideal of the gentleman

British colonialism invested heavily in schooling local elites in a particular kind of English education: literary, legalistic, and oriented toward producing “gentlemen” who could mediate between empire and colony. In Hong Kong, elite English‑medium schools, debating societies, and university traditions recall mid‑20th‑century British schooling in their emphasis on examinations, prefect systems, and co‑curricular training for leadership. Singapore’s top schools and universities, with uniforms, house systems, and a strong examination culture, also reflect adaptations of British grammar‑school traditions.

Within Britain, the grammar‑school and old public‑school ethos has been widely debated, challenged, and partly dismantled or transformed by comprehensive schooling and mass higher education. As a result, some of the structures and rituals associated with classic British education—school songs, formal assemblies, house competitions—can feel more prominent in former colonies than in many parts of contemporary Britain, where they have been diluted, diversified, or consciously rejected.

Economic culture and commercial ethics

As trading hubs, both Singapore and Hong Kong internalized an older British faith in free trade, contract, and commercial probity. The colonial port city idealized the predictable enforcement of contracts, low tariffs, and a clear commercial code. Singapore’s branding as a rules‑based, open economy and Hong Kong’s long‑standing self‑image as a laissez‑faire entrepôt both echo an earlier British liberal economic philosophy that once framed London’s role as “workshop of the world.”

In present‑day Britain, economic life is shaped by deindustrialization, debates over inequality, and the legacies of European membership and withdrawal. Public discourse around trade and finance has become heavily politicized, and the older imperial language of free‑trade moralism has faded. By contrast, the former colonies sometimes preserve a streamlined, almost ideal‑type version of British commercial liberalism—modified by local priorities, but still recognizably descended from a 19th–20th century British worldview.

Identity, memory, and selective inheritance

禮失求諸野 does not mean that the “periphery” is more authentic than the center. It suggests that when a culture transforms itself, older strata may survive in places that once learned from it but then travelled on different trajectories. Singapore and Hong Kong did not simply “freeze” British norms; they localized them, mixing them with Chinese, Malay, Indian, and other cultural resources, and with their own political imperatives. What survives of “old Britain” in these cities is thus selective and refracted.

From this angle, wandering through a colonial‑era courthouse in Hong Kong, an elite school hall in Singapore, or a meticulously ordered civil‑service office in either place can feel like walking through a museum of British modernity—curated unintentionally by local history. Meanwhile, Britain itself, like every living society, continues to change, sometimes leaving behind the very forms that once defined it.