(The speaker, SIR HUMPHREY APPLEBY, KCB, MVO, MA (Oxon), approaches the podium at the Said Business School, Oxford. He adjusts his elegant tie, inclines his head slightly, and begins, addressing an audience primarily comprised of aspiring administrators and mandarins.)
A Discourse on the Formulation and Implementation of Effective Ministerial Incumbency: Or, How to Cultivate Obedience in the Political Overlord
Members of the Faculty, esteemed graduates, and gentlemen (I trust I may use that honorific here at this venerable institution, even if politics have regrettably broadened its remit elsewhere). It is a profound privilege to address you today within the hallowed—and one might even say, financially robust—walls of this establishment. As a graduate of classics from this very University, I find myself in a situation often encountered in the corridors of Whitehall: contemplating the mechanisms by which seemingly intractable forces are guided towards optimal, predictable, and, crucially, administrative outcomes.
Our subject today, gentlemen, is the delicate, indeed almost liturgical, process by which a newly appointed Minister of the Crown—a political arriviste, often bursting with ill-conceived notions of reform, "clean sweeps", and public transparency—is brought into harmonious alignment with the permanent machinery of government. In the vernacular of the Civil Service, a charmingly simple term describes this complex transformation: "house-training".
The objective of house-training is not, as some mischievous political advisers might suggest, to render the Minister redundant. Far from it. The goal is to ensure the Minister performs his function—namely, the ceremonial rubber-stamping and public defence of policies formulated through discreet wisdom—with maximum effectiveness and minimal disruption. We seek to nurture a Minister so completely aligned with the departmental perspective that he eventually achieves the state known in Westminster circles as "gone native".
This essential curriculum may be broken down into progressive stages, each demanding meticulous planning and an exquisite sense of timing.
Stage I: The Illusion of Engagement (The New Broom Syndrome)
The incoming Minister arrives, typically exhausted but elated, often having spent his election weekend attempting to grapple with his initial distribution of red boxes. This initial phase is predicated on exploiting that mixture of exhaustion and ideological zeal.
Tactic 1: Overload by Default. Ensure the Minister is consistently overwhelmed with material requiring urgent decision, thereby minimizing the intellectual bandwidth available for challenging substantive policy or, indeed, formulating inconvenient new ones. He must "swallow the whole diary in one gulp and apparently did his boxes like a lamb". He is encouraged to read everything placed before him, ensuring he quickly accumulates a backlog of work.
Tactic 2: Pre-emptive Affirmation. Immediately anticipate and co-opt the Minister’s headline policy aspirations—such as "Open Government" or "Efficiency Savings"—and present draft proposals within minutes of their utterance. This impresses him with the Department's "astounding efficiency", securing his initial trust and preventing him from seeking truly radical external advice.
Tactic 3: Prioritise the Permanent. Swiftly redirect Ministerial energy away from time-consuming political pursuits (such as party committees or constituency business) by reminding him, in carefully chosen language, that one should never consider "putting party before country". This ensures that his focus remains entirely within the administrative sphere of the Department.
Stage II: Deploying Creative Inertia (The Administrative Mire)
Once the Minister trusts the Department’s efficiency, we introduce the indispensable art of Creative Inertia—the fine strategy of appearing to move while remaining fundamentally static.
Tactic 4: The Stalling Gambit. When the Minister insists upon a radical or disruptive policy, commence the well-established sequence of delay. This begins by agreeing to the principle but questioning the method: Is this the "right way to achieve it?". Followed closely by questioning the timetable: "Minister, this is not the time, for all sorts of reasons". These initial stages alone can be leveraged for several weeks of preparatory discussion.
Tactic 5: Judicial Silence. When directly confronted regarding the history or feasibility of a specific policy, employ the "Courageous Silence". This technique implies that you would vindicate yourself completely, if only you were at liberty to tell all, but that security or administrative concerns demand you maintain confidentiality regarding the previous administration's efforts, thereby preventing the release of "ammunition" to his political opponents.
Tactic 6: Administrative Amplification. If the Minister presses ahead, concede that the principle is sound, but immediately introduce a proliferation of "formidable administrative problems" requiring exhaustive interdepartmental consultation. This subtly introduces bureaucracy as the natural brake on speed.
Tactic 7: The Committee Quagmire. The ultimate weapon of inertia is the creation of the interdepartmental committee—"the last refuge of a desperate bureaucrat". This guarantees that the proposal is "strangled slowly" as conflicting interests from various Ministries bury the initiative under layers of cross-departmental paperwork and endless consultations.
Stage III: The Construction of Obedience (Controlling Information and Activity)
The Minister must be guided to recognize that his political survival depends entirely upon the seamless operational utility provided by the Civil Service.
Tactic 8: The Need-to-Know Principle. Assure the Minister that there are "some things it is better for the Minister not to know". This is presented as protective rather than obstructive, ensuring he is "convinced, and therefore convincing" in public. Ignorance, we argue, is the surest defence against being "captured and tortured by the BBC".
Tactic 9: Euphemistic Translation. Ensure that any public defence of a difficult administrative position utilizes precisely chosen language which offers maximum deniability and minimum truth. We ensure the Minister nails his trousers, not his colours, to the mast, cultivating his "considerable talent for making things unintelligible" and blurring the issue.
Tactic 10: Manufacturing Activity. To prevent the Minister from having time to scrutinize the detail of the Department’s function, ensure his diary is constantly filled with necessary but time-consuming activities: provincial visits, foreign junkets, and delivering speeches. This ministerial absence is desirable because it enables officials to do the job properly without "silly questions" or "bright ideas".
Stage IV: Securing Perpetual Compliance (The Final Alignment)
The final stages involve binding the Minister to the system using his own ambitions and fears.
Tactic 11: Weaponizing Ambition (The Honours List). Crucially, gain leverage by exploiting the timing of departmental recommendations for the Honours List. Since Ministers have no real disciplinary authority over senior officials, withholding approval for knighthoods is often the only available hold over them, and can be used to elicit desired cuts or shelving of inconvenient policy.
Tactic 12: The Quid Pro Quo of Survival. Identify a catastrophic error or scandal—preferably one generated by the political side, or at least one where the Minister has publicly identified himself with the policy. Present the Minister with the solution that secures his political survival, such as issuing a press release claiming to have axed phantom jobs to avoid a staffing disaster, or trading non-interference in local authority disputes for the suppression of a damaging broadcast. This reminds him that the Civil Service is his only protection against political destruction.
Tactic 13: Flattery for Compliance. As the Minister begins to acquiesce frequently, administer targeted compliments, such as praising his rhetorical talent for blurring issues. The ultimate reassurance—the sign that he is nearly fully house-trained—is to suggest, with profound gravity, that he might "almost be a civil servant himself". This reinforces his belief that he is, at last, powerful and effective.
In conclusion, gentlemen, the management of the political interface requires discretion, patience, and absolute control over the flow of information and work. The Civil Service, the permanent government, thrives upon the stability which ministerial conformity provides. It is our duty to maintain that stability. The question we must always ask ourselves, as the guardians of the nation’s administrative architecture, is perhaps best encapsulated by that venerable classical maxim: "Quis custodiet ipsos custodes?"—who guards the guardians? The answer, gentlemen, is manifestly: we do. And to protect our vigilance, we must ensure the political class remains precisely where we need them to be: content, busy, and compliant.
Thank you. (Sir Humphrey smiles, gathers his notes, and retires from the podium).
）永遠是無限大（因為承認意味著系統性失敗，為政權更迭提供了正當理由），而由於對媒體和資訊的控制，謊言被揭穿的機率（
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