2025年7月2日 星期三

民族主義浪潮下的經濟韌性:菲律賓政策對華人社群商業發展的塑造與意想不到後果

民族主義浪潮下的經濟韌性:菲律賓政策對華人社群商業發展的塑造與意想不到後果

摘要

菲律賓華人社群在該國的社會經濟結構中扮演著獨特而複雜的角色。與馬來西亞和印度尼西亞不同,菲律賓在後殖民時期雖然沒有推行像「土著政策」或「新秩序」那樣直接且系統性的種族平權或同化政策,但其在20世紀中葉興起的「菲律賓人優先」(Filipino First)經濟民族主義政策,卻對華人社群產生了深遠的「意想不到的後果」。這些政策旨在限制外國(包括被視為「外國人」的華人)對本國經濟的控制,卻在客觀上促使華人社群將其才華與資本更集中地投入到私人商業領域,並在其中展現出驚人的韌性與持續的經濟主導地位。本文將深入探討「菲律賓人優先」政策的機制、其對華人社群的影響,以及這些政策如何間接鞏固了華人家族企業在菲律賓經濟中的核心地位,形成一種政策目標與實際結果之間的複雜互動。


1. 引言

在東南亞多元種族的國家中,華人社群的經濟角色及其與當地政府和土著社群的關係,一直是學術研究和政策討論的焦點。馬來西亞的「土著政策」和印度尼西亞的「新秩序」時期對華人的歧視性同化政策,都導致了華人社群在政治文化上受壓,卻在私人商業領域取得顯著成功的「意想不到的後果」。菲律賓的情況則呈現出另一種獨特的模式。儘管菲律賓沒有推行直接的種族平權政策,但其在獨立後實施的「菲律賓人優先」經濟民族主義政策,同樣對華人社群的發展路徑產生了關鍵影響。

本文旨在分析「菲律賓人優先」政策的背景、內容及其對菲律賓華人社群的影響。我們將探討這些政策如何透過限制「外國人」的經濟活動,間接推動了華人社群更深層次地紮根於私人商業領域,並在其中展現出卓越的適應能力和經濟韌性,最終鞏固了其在菲律賓經濟中的核心地位。這種政策與其非預期結果之間的複雜互動,為理解國家建設、族群關係和經濟發展提供了寶貴的案例。

2. 菲律賓華人社群的歷史背景與「菲律賓人優先」政策

菲律賓華人的歷史可追溯至西班牙殖民時期,他們作為商人、工匠和勞工,在菲律賓的經濟發展中扮演了不可或缺的角色。儘管在殖民時期遭受過歧視、隔離和周期性的暴力,但華人社群憑藉其商業網絡和勤奮精神,逐漸積累了財富。與此同時,華人與菲律賓土著之間的通婚也形成了龐大的混血族群(mestizo),這在一定程度上促進了華人文化的在地化和社會融合。

然而,在菲律賓於1946年獨立後,隨著民族主義思潮的興起,一股旨在奪回經濟主權的運動逐漸形成。在20世紀50年代至60年代,時任總統卡洛斯·加西亞(Carlos P. Garcia)推行了著名的「菲律賓人優先」(Filipino First)政策。這項政策的核心目標是:

  • 經濟民族化: 限制外國資本和外國人對菲律賓經濟關鍵部門的控制,特別是在零售貿易、進出口、資源開採和製造業等領域。

  • 扶持本土企業: 通過政府採購、信貸優惠、進口管制和外匯分配等手段,優先支持菲律賓公民和企業。

儘管該政策表面上針對所有「外國人」,但由於華人社群在零售和貿易領域的突出地位,且當時許多華人尚未取得菲律賓國籍,該政策在實踐中對華人企業產生了最直接和最顯著的影響。

3. 意想不到的後果:華人社群的經濟韌性與私人部門主導

「菲律賓人優先」政策的實施,對華人社群造成了衝擊,但其結果卻是複雜且常常是悖論性的:

3.1 迫使華人社群深化本土化與歸化

面對政策的限制,華人社群採取了多種策略來應對,其中最主要的是:

  • 加速歸化: 大量華人為了規避「外國人」身份帶來的經濟限制,積極申請菲律賓國籍。這使得他們在法律上成為「菲律賓人」,從而能夠繼續在受保護的行業中經營。

  • 深化文化融合: 華人社群進一步擁抱菲律賓文化,包括語言、宗教(天主教)和生活方式,以減少與主流社會的隔閡。這種文化上的融合,為其經濟活動提供了更順暢的社會環境。

  • 建立政治聯繫: 華人企業家意識到在菲律賓經商,與政治精英建立良好關係的重要性。這導致了一些華人企業與政治人物之間的複雜聯盟,甚至在馬可仕(Marcos)時代,一些華人企業家成為了「裙帶資本主義」的受益者或參與者。

3.2 鞏固私人商業領域的主導地位

由於政策限制了華人在某些特定行業的發展,並使他們難以進入公共服務部門(這也非其傳統強項),華人社群的才華和資本被進一步引導並集中到私人商業領域。這種「擠壓效應」反而強化了華人企業在以下方面的優勢:

  • 家族企業的擴張與多元化: 華人家族企業在零售、批發、製造、房地產、金融、電信和公用事業等領域不斷擴張和多元化經營。他們憑藉其靈活的經營模式、強大的家族網絡和對市場變化的快速反應能力,在激烈的競爭中脫穎而出。

  • 效率與創新驅動: 在沒有政府直接扶持的情況下,華人企業必須更加注重效率、成本控制和市場需求,以確保其競爭力。

  • 形成龐大商業集團: 許多當今菲律賓最大的企業集團,如SM集團(SM Investments Corporation)、JG頂峰控股(JG Summit Holdings)、LT集團(LT Group, Inc.)等,其創始人或核心家族均為華人。這證明了華人社群在應對政策挑戰時所展現出的驚人經濟韌性。

這種現象形成了一個政策上的悖論:旨在限制「外國人」經濟影響力的民族主義政策,卻在客觀上促成了華人社群在私人經濟領域的持續主導和財富積累。他們透過適應、歸化和深化商業網絡,成功地在既定政策框架下找到了生存和繁榮的道路。

4. 政策的複雜性與長期影響

儘管「菲律賓人優先」政策在一定程度上推動了本土民族資本的發展,但其對華人社群的影響是複雜的,並帶來了長期遺產:

  • 社會融合的雙面性: 華人社群在文化上的高度融合和歸化,使得他們在社會層面比其他東南亞國家的華人更為「菲律賓化」。然而,經濟上的突出地位與歷史上的歧視,仍使其在某些時刻面臨族群間的緊張關係。

  • 裙帶資本主義的形成: 政策的不透明性和對政治關係的依賴,促使一些華人企業家與政治權力結合,導致了裙帶資本主義的發展,這對菲律賓的長期經濟發展和公平競爭環境產生了負面影響。

  • 經濟結構的固化: 華人資本在私人部門的強大地位,以及土著精英在政治領域的持續影響,共同構成了菲律賓獨特的政治經濟格局。

5. 結論

菲律賓的「菲律賓人優先」政策是國家建設過程中,經濟民族主義與族群經濟互動的一個典型案例。儘管該政策旨在限制「外國人」的經濟影響力,但其對華人社群產生了「意想不到的後果」:它迫使華人社群加速本土化和歸化,並將其才華與資本更集中地投入到私人商業領域。在這一過程中,華人社群展現了卓越的經濟韌性,不僅成功應對了政策挑戰,反而鞏固了其在菲律賓經濟中的主導地位。

這一經驗揭示了政策設計的複雜性:旨在實現特定目標的政策,可能因其對不同社群的差異化影響,而產生與預期相悖的結果。菲律賓的案例表明,即使沒有像馬來西亞或印度尼西亞那樣直接的種族歧視政策,經濟民族主義也可能透過間接的方式,塑造特定族群的經濟行為模式,並在長期內重塑國家的經濟格局。這為理解多元社會中政策的複雜性、族群的適應性以及國家發展的非線性路徑提供了重要的啟示。



Resilience Under Oppression: The Complex Impact of Discriminatory Policies on the Economic Development of the Chinese Community in Indonesia

 Resilience Under Oppression: The Complex Impact of Discriminatory Policies on the Economic Development of the Chinese Community in Indonesia

Abstract

Throughout Indonesia's historical trajectory, the Chinese community has played a unique role. Particularly during Suharto's "New Order" era (1966-1998), the government implemented a series of policies aimed at assimilating and limiting Chinese influence, including the prohibition of Chinese language education, suppression of cultural expression, forced name changes, and exclusion from the public sphere. These policies intended to weaken the Chinese identity as an independent ethnic group and restrict its influence in national politics and economics. However, this paper will explore the complex and often paradoxical "unintended consequences" resulting from these discriminatory policies: despite being politically and culturally suppressed, the Chinese community has demonstrated remarkable economic resilience and sustained dominance in the private business sector, which has, to some extent, exacerbated economic tensions between ethnic groups.


Introduction

Indonesia is a diverse nation with a large Chinese community, and its relationship with the indigenous (pribumi) community is fraught with historical complexity. Since colonial times, the Chinese have occupied a significant position in the economy due to their commercial activities. However, this economic role has often made them scapegoats for social conflicts and political turmoil. Particularly during General Suharto's "New Order" regime, a series of institutionalized policies targeting the Chinese were implemented, with the core objective of promoting their assimilation and weakening their unique influence in the economy and society.


These policies included strict limitations on Chinese language education, prohibition of public Chinese cultural activities, encouragement or even coercion to adopt Indonesian names, and exclusion of Chinese from public service sectors. On the surface, these measures aimed to weaken the collective identity and economic foundation of the Chinese community. However, this paper argues that these discriminatory policies, while achieving some expected outcomes, also produced profound "unintended consequences": they forced the Chinese to concentrate their efforts and resources more on the private business sector, thereby facilitating the continued dominance of Chinese capital in the Indonesian economy and, to some extent, exacerbating internal economic inequalities and ethnic tensions.


Discriminatory Policies and Their Intentions During the New Order Era

Suharto's "New Order" regime (1966-1998) adopted systematic assimilation and suppression policies towards the Chinese community. These policies aimed to "solve" the so-called "Chinese problem" through the following means:



Cultural and Linguistic Assimilation:


Comprehensive prohibition of Chinese schools, forcing all Chinese children to receive education in Indonesian.

Strict bans on Chinese newspapers, books, and all public signage in Chinese.

Prohibition of public celebrations of traditional Chinese culture and religious activities, such as Lunar New Year celebrations, lion dances, and Lantern Festival.

Strong encouragement or coercion for Chinese to adopt Indonesian names to eliminate ethnic identification.



Exclusion from Political and Public Spheres:


Systematic exclusion of Chinese from the civil service, military, and senior positions in state-owned enterprises, making it difficult to access the core of national power.

Restrictions on Chinese participation in political organizations and elections.



Economic Control and "Indigenous Priority":


Although there were no explicit equity quotas like in Malaysia, the government tended to favor indigenous enterprises in loans, licenses, and government contracts.

The prevalent "Ali-Baba" (Ali-Baba) cooperation model: Chinese (Baba) provide capital and business operations, while indigenous (Ali) leverage their political connections and access to government resources. While this model offered survival space for Chinese, it also highlighted their institutional vulnerabilities.




The fundamental intent of these policies was to consolidate Suharto's regime's stability by de-Chinese-ifying and marginalizing the Chinese, addressing what it perceived as the "Chinese economic monopoly" and "disloyalty" issues.


Unintended Consequences: Economic Resilience and Dominance in the Private Sector

Despite facing political and cultural suppression, these policies produced complex and often paradoxical consequences in the economic realm:


3.1 Forcing Chinese to Shift to Private Business

With public service sectors and government-supported industries closed to them, the talents, aspirations, and capital of the Chinese community were directed towards the more open and competitive private business sector. This "squeeze effect" prompted the Chinese to focus their efforts more on:


Strengthening Family Businesses: The strong familial ties and clan networks within the Chinese community became the cornerstone of their business development, providing funding, information, and human resources.


Diversified Operations: They delved into nearly all private economic sectors, including manufacturing, retail, trade, finance, and real estate, seeking and filling market gaps.


Utilization of the "Ali-Baba" Model: Although a product of discrimination, this cooperation model also provided Chinese businesses with necessary political protection and access to market entry, enabling them to operate in a complex business environment.



3.2 Consolidating Economic Dominance

Ironically, despite facing discrimination, the economic influence of the Chinese community was not weakened; rather, it may have been strengthened by their focus on the private economy. Many of Indonesia's largest conglomerates and wealthiest individuals originated from Chinese families. They distinguished themselves in the market through their business acumen, efficiency, and networks, often without direct government support. This phenomenon created a paradox: policies aimed at limiting Chinese economic influence inadvertently contributed to the sustained and even enhanced dominance of Chinese capital in the private economic sector.

3.3 Exacerbating Social Tensions and Vulnerabilities

However, this economic success was achieved against a backdrop of political marginalization and cultural suppression, leading to deeper social issues:


Being Viewed as Scapegoats: The economic prominence of the Chinese community, coupled with their political vulnerability, made them the most easily targeted group during times of social discontent and economic crisis.


Widespread Anti-Chinese Riots: Historically, Indonesia has witnessed numerous violent incidents against the Chinese, with the most severe being the large-scale anti-Chinese riots around the fall of Suharto in 1965-66 and 1998, resulting in significant loss of life and property. This directly reflected the economic divide and lack of social trust fostered by these policies.




Post-Suharto Reforms and Legacy

Since the fall of Suharto's regime in 1998, Indonesia has entered a period of democratic transition, gradually abolishing discriminatory policies against the Chinese:



Cultural Revival: Chinese language education and cultural activities have been restored, with Lunar New Year recognized as a national holiday.


Legal Equality: Discriminatory regulations have been repealed, granting Chinese equal rights under the law with other citizens.


Political Participation: The Chinese have begun to participate more actively in politics and public life, although their representation in political power remains disproportionate.



However, the decades of policy impact during the New Order era have left a profound legacy that continues to persist:


Cultural Disruption: Although Chinese language education and cultural revival have taken place, many middle-aged and younger Chinese have limited understanding of the Chinese language and traditional culture due to past prohibitions.


Structural Distrust: Social trust between ethnic groups requires time to rebuild, and historical traumas remain.


Economic Structure: The established position of Chinese capital in the private sector remains robust, still a significant feature of Indonesia's economic structure.




Conclusion

The discriminatory policies imposed on the Chinese during Suharto's era represent a typical case of a state attempting to shape the socioeconomic structure through political means. These policies aimed to assimilate the Chinese and weaken their economic influence, but they produced extremely complex and often paradoxical "unintended consequences": the Chinese community, excluded from the public sphere, concentrated their energy in the private business sector, achieving significant economic success. However, this success was realized in the context of political vulnerability and social tension, ultimately leading to devastating anti-Chinese riots.


Indonesia's experience offers important lessons for other multi-ethnic countries: discriminatory policies not only lead to human rights issues and cultural losses but can also produce economic impacts that contradict expectations and even trigger more severe social conflicts. While post-Suharto reforms have corrected many injustices, the influence of historical legacies continues. Understanding this complexity is crucial for promoting a truly inclusive, equitable, and stable society.