Foreign Officials in Asian Governments: A Bygone Era

 

Foreign Officials in Asian Governments: A Bygone Era

During the 19th century, it was not uncommon for foreign individuals to hold high-ranking government positions in Asian nations. These officials were often recruited for their specialized knowledge and technical expertise in fields like military strategy, finance, and infrastructure, which many Asian countries sought to acquire in their quest to modernize and compete with Western powers. This practice highlights a unique period of global interconnectedness.

One notable example is Andreas du Plessis de Richelieu, a Danish man who became the commander-in-chief of the Royal Siamese Navy under King Chulalongkorn (Rama V). Arriving in Siam (now Thailand) in 1875, he earned the king's trust and was instrumental in modernizing the Siamese military. He designed key fortifications and introduced modern weaponry. Beyond his military contributions, Richelieu also played a crucial role in developing Bangkok's early infrastructure, including its electric grid, railways, and public transport systems.

Another prominent figure was Sir Robert Hart, a British man who served as the Inspector-General of China's Imperial Maritime Customs Service for over 50 years, from 1863 to 1908. He was responsible for collecting customs duties and managing China's trade. Hart's integrity and efficiency provided a crucial, reliable source of revenue for the Qing government. His administration was known for its modern and transparent practices, making it a model of bureaucratic excellence at the time.

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A List of Foreign Officials and Their Roles

The employment of foreign experts was a widespread practice across Asia during this period. Here are a few more examples:

• Gustave-Émile Boissonade (Japan): A French legal scholar hired by the Meiji government to help draft Japan's modern civil code in the late 19th century. His work was essential for establishing a modern legal framework, helping Japan transition from a feudal society to a nation-state.

• George Washington Williams (Japan): An American military officer who served as a foreign advisor to the Japanese military during the early Meiji period. He was one of several foreign experts who helped train the Imperial Japanese Army to adopt modern military tactics and organization.

• Dr. Georg Böhmer (Korea): A German physician who became a medical advisor to the Korean government in the late 19th century. He was vital in establishing modern medical institutions and introducing Western medical practices to the country.

• Hermann von Keyserlingk (Persia/Iran): A German diplomat and military officer who became an advisor to the Persian government in the early 20th century. He contributed to the modernization and training of the Persian armed forces.

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From Globalized Governance to National Sovereignty

These historical examples show a world where national borders were more permeable. Countries were willing to bring in foreign talent for key government roles, often to fill gaps in knowledge and technology. This was a direct result of the pressures of globalization and colonial expansion, as nations felt a need to rapidly modernize to compete or defend themselves.

Today, the idea of a foreigner holding a high-ranking government position—like a military commander or the head of a major government agency—is largely unthinkable in most modern nation-states. Countries have become far more protective of their sovereignty and government roles, seeing them as exclusive to their own citizens. This shift represents a paradox: while we are more globally connected through technology and trade, the trust placed in foreign individuals to hold positions of power within a country’s government has significantly diminished. The world has become less "globalized" in this specific sense than it was 200 years ago.

Roots of Resilience: How Sweet Potato and Cassava Became Silent Tools of Resistance

 

Roots of Resilience: How Sweet Potato and Cassava Became Silent Tools of Resistance

Across the vast landscapes of Asia and Africa, sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas) and cassava (Manihot esculenta) are more than just staple foods sustaining hundreds of millions. They also carry deep social and political significance, transcending their simple "famine-proofing" function. Their subterranean growth habit has made them unique crops, offering the powerless a means to hide wealth, circumvent state control, and, in certain historical contexts, act as silent tools against government authority.

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Freedom Underground: The Untaxable Crops

The key characteristic of both sweet potato and cassava lies in their edible parts—the tubers—being buried deep underground. This biological trait gives them distinct advantages over cereal crops:

• Difficult to Monitor and Quantify: Unlike above-ground crops like rice or wheat, whose growth and yield can be relatively easily estimated from a distance or from aerial views, the actual output of sweet potato and cassava is challenging for government officials or tax collectors to precisely gauge. The tubers grow underground, and harvesting times are flexible, allowing farmers to dig them up incrementally as needed, rather than in large-scale, one-time harvests. This makes effective taxation or requisition by the government difficult. As anthropologist James C. Scott argues in his work on "the arts of resistance," "the weapons of the weak are often small, anonymous, and hidden... they happen quietly in everyday life, difficult for the state to detect and punish" (Scott, 1985). Sweet potato and cassava are precisely the material embodiment of such "micro-resistance."

• Hidden Wealth: For farmers facing heavy taxes or state requisition, storing wealth as "unharvested crops" underground serves as a natural safe deposit box. These "hidden reserves" not only ensure household sustenance but also allow them to retain a degree of economic autonomy beyond state intervention. Historians analyzing China's population growth during the Qing dynasty often refer to the role of sweet potato in evading land and poll taxes. "Sweet potato provided not only calories but also a strategy for tax avoidance. Farmers could plant it on marginal lands and dig it up as needed, making it difficult for the government to record its true yield, thereby undermining tax efficiency" (Perdue, 1987). In Africa, cassava's "underground pantry" characteristic also offered farmers a means to bypass government requisitions and control during the late colonial and early post-independence periods (Richards, 1985).

• Power for the Powerless: In colonial or autocratic regimes, when the fruits of farmers' labor were largely appropriated, sweet potato and cassava offered a lifeline. They enabled people to produce enough food outside official records to survive, and even trade in informal markets, thereby weakening the state's comprehensive control over their economic activities. The existence of such a "hidden economy," though not officially recognized, was a crucial strategy for many vulnerable groups to maintain their livelihoods and dignity. As scholars have noted, "for marginalized groups, informal economic activities are often key sites for maintaining livelihoods and even resisting the penetration of state power" (Portes, 1994).

This "hidden" characteristic made sweet potato and cassava symbols of "power for the powerless." They represent a form of grassroots resilience, a way of self-organizing and sustaining life outside state surveillance.

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Beyond Famine-Proofing: Dual Guarantees of Livelihood and Autonomy

Of course, the "famine-proofing" quality of sweet potato and cassava remains a core reason for their popularity. Their high yields, adaptability to harsh environments, and rich nutritional content make them a last line of defense against hunger. However, when we consider this alongside their "untaxable" nature, their societal impact becomes even more profound. A crop that can both feed people and help them avoid excessive state exploitation would undoubtedly be favored by farmers. This dual guarantee has made them a preferred crop for farmers in many parts of Asia and Africa.

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Other "Resistant" Crops: Diversified Livelihood Strategies

Besides sweet potato and cassava, throughout history and in contemporary societies, other crops have served as tools for people to circumvent government control due to their specific characteristics:

• Taro and Yam: These tuber crops are also buried underground, sharing similar advantages of concealment and storage with sweet potato and cassava, playing comparable roles in many tropical regions. Studies show that in some Pacific Islands and African societies, these root crops played a vital role in maintaining traditional economies and social structures, partly because they were not easily fully controlled by external forces (Denham et al., 2004).

• Certain Wild or Semi-Wild Vegetables and Fruits: These crops are typically not included in official agricultural statistics, and their gathering and consumption are entirely outside state oversight systems. They provide additional food sources for impoverished populations, forming an important component of the invisible economy.

• Cannabis and Opium Poppy: Although these crops are controversial due to their illicit nature, in certain regions, their cultivation is precisely due to their high value and the difficulty for governments to fully control them, making them a means for farmers to escape poverty and state pressure. This highlights the complex politico-economic meanings that crops can acquire in different social contexts. Anthropological research on such "marginal crops" reveals their complex roles in informal economies and community autonomy (Moore, 2017).

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Conclusion

The story of sweet potato and cassava extends far beyond their biological function as food. Their global dissemination not only alleviated hunger but also subtly shaped the socio-economic landscapes of Asia and Africa. Their subterranean nature provided a unique space of autonomy for the powerless, enabling them to quietly sustain livelihoods, accumulate wealth, and even engage in silent resistance under the shadow of state power. From an anthropological perspective, sweet potato and cassava are not just foods that nourish the body; they are cultural symbols laden with complex power dynamics, livelihood strategies, and grassroots resilience. They remind us that even the most ordinary crops can play unexpectedly pivotal roles in the grand narrative of human society.

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References (Selected Bibliography)

• Denham, T. P., Haberle, S. G., & Lentfer, C. J. (2004). The Emergence of Agriculture in the New Guinea Highlands. Blackwell Publishing.

• Moore, L. (2017). The Anthropology of Drugs and Alcohol. Palgrave Macmillan.

• Perdue, P. C. (1987). Exhausting the Earth: State and Peasant in Hunan, 1500-1850. Harvard University Press.

• Portes, A. (1994). The Informal Economy and its Paradoxes. The Handbook of Economic Sociology, 245-266.

• Richards, P. (1985). Indigenous Agricultural Revolution: Ecology and Food Production in West Africa. Hutchinson Education.

• Scott, J. C. (1985). Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance. Yale University Press.