The DEI Icarus: When Ideology Grounds the Fleet

 

The DEI Icarus: When Ideology Grounds the Fleet

The British Royal Air Force (RAF) has recently performed a tactical retreat that would make any general blush. After years of aggressively pursuing diversity targets—aiming for 40% women and 20% ethnic minorities—leaked emails revealed a command to stop recruiting "useless white male pilots." The goal was social engineering, but the result was a critical shortage of people capable of flying multimillion-dollar fighter jets. Now, in a fit of frantic irony, recruiters are begging those same "useless" candidates to come back. It turns out that gravity and enemy heat-seekers don't care about your diversity equity statement.

Biologically, the "Naked Ape" is a tribal creature that values competence in high-stakes environments. If a predator is at the cave entrance, you don't look for a diverse defense committee; you look for the strongest, most accurate spear-thrower. For the RAF, the cockpit is the modern equivalent of that high-stakes hunt. By prioritizing immutable traits over merit, the leadership ignored a fundamental evolutionary law: in a survival situation, meritocracy is the only biological imperative. When you prioritize the "appearance" of the tribe over its "capability," you invite extinction.

Historically, this mirrors the decline of empires that began appointing officials based on loyalty to an ideology rather than competence in their craft. Whether it’s religious piety in the Middle Ages or DEI in the 21st century, the result is the same—institutional rot. The darker side of human nature is our tendency to sacrifice reality at the altar of virtue signaling. Leaders would rather feel morally superior in a boardroom than be militarily superior in the clouds.

The RAF's U-turn is a cold shower for the modern age. It reminds us that while social progress is a noble pursuit for a peaceful society, a military’s primary function is lethality. When the "Naked Ape" plays politics with its defense, it forgets that the rest of the world’s predators are still playing for keeps. Diversity is a luxury of peace; merit is the necessity of survival.

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The Ghosts of Donggang: When "National Security" Met Human Despair

 

The Ghosts of Donggang: When "National Security" Met Human Despair

History has a nasty habit of dressing up cowardice in the fine robes of "Strategic Necessity." In the late 1970s and 80s, as Vietnam bled and the "Boat People" turned the South China Sea into a watery graveyard, Taiwan sat behind its Great Wall of Martial Law. We weren't looking for neighbors; we were looking for infiltrators.

The pinnacle of this paranoia—or perhaps its darkest abyss—was the March 7 Incident of 1987, also known as the Donggang Massacre. Imagine twenty human beings, desperate and salt-crusted, drifting toward the shores of Little Kinmen. They weren't an invading armada. They were the debris of a broken world. Yet, under the rigid "No Acceptance, Total Repatriation" policy of the time, the response wasn't a life jacket; it was a bullet.

The military didn't just turn them away; they liquidated them. Men, women, and children were executed and buried in the sand to hide the evidence. Why? Because in the cynical calculus of the era, a refugee was just a potential communist spy in a very wet disguise. We were so obsessed with protecting our "Fortress Taiwan" that we forgot to check if there was any soul left inside the fort.

While Hong Kong built camps and the world debated quotas, Taiwan’s front lines were governed by the cold logic of the trigger finger. It’s a classic study in the darker side of human nature: when fear is institutionalized, empathy becomes a security risk. We like to think of ourselves as the "Heart of Asia," but history suggests that for a long time, that heart was under a heavy layer of camouflage and concrete.

We learn from this not to point fingers—the perpetrators are mostly ghosts now—but to recognize the stench of "state interest" when it’s used to justify the unjustifiable. Politics is temporary, but the blood in the sand at Donggang is permanent.

The Welfare Soldier: Britain’s Newest "Volunteer"

 

The Welfare Soldier: Britain’s Newest "Volunteer"

The British Army has a personnel problem. Its numbers have shriveled to levels not seen since the 19th century, just as the world decides to flirt with a global conflict involving Russia and the Middle East. Enter Major General Tim Cross, who has proposed a solution that is as pragmatic as it is cynical: if you are young, unemployed, and collecting government benefits, your new office should be a trench.

The logic is simple: Britain has roughly 800,000 "NEETs" (Not in Education, Employment, or Training) drawing from the public purse, while the military is starving for warm bodies. Cross frames this not as "conscription" (a dirty word in modern democracy), but as a "National Service" option. Why give out "free money," he asks, when you can trade it for discipline and a front-row seat to the crumbling geopolitical order?

History, however, has a funny way of punishing those who fill their ranks with the reluctant. From the "Press Gangs" of the Royal Navy to the unwilling conscripts of Vietnam, the "darker side" of human nature suggests that a soldier who is only there because his Wi-Fi and grocery money were threatened isn't exactly a Spartan warrior. He’s a liability.

Cross is right about one thing: the "corrosive complacency" of modern leadership. We have raised generations on the illusion of permanent peace, funded by debt and social safety nets. But trying to solve a recruitment crisis by weaponizing poverty is a classic move from the imperial playbook. It solves the math but ignores the morale. If the government treats the military as a dumping ground for the "unproductive," they shouldn't be surprised when the army starts acting like a government department instead of a fighting force.

Foreign Officials in Asian Governments: A Bygone Era

 

Foreign Officials in Asian Governments: A Bygone Era

During the 19th century, it was not uncommon for foreign individuals to hold high-ranking government positions in Asian nations. These officials were often recruited for their specialized knowledge and technical expertise in fields like military strategy, finance, and infrastructure, which many Asian countries sought to acquire in their quest to modernize and compete with Western powers. This practice highlights a unique period of global interconnectedness.

One notable example is Andreas du Plessis de Richelieu, a Danish man who became the commander-in-chief of the Royal Siamese Navy under King Chulalongkorn (Rama V). Arriving in Siam (now Thailand) in 1875, he earned the king's trust and was instrumental in modernizing the Siamese military. He designed key fortifications and introduced modern weaponry. Beyond his military contributions, Richelieu also played a crucial role in developing Bangkok's early infrastructure, including its electric grid, railways, and public transport systems.

Another prominent figure was Sir Robert Hart, a British man who served as the Inspector-General of China's Imperial Maritime Customs Service for over 50 years, from 1863 to 1908. He was responsible for collecting customs duties and managing China's trade. Hart's integrity and efficiency provided a crucial, reliable source of revenue for the Qing government. His administration was known for its modern and transparent practices, making it a model of bureaucratic excellence at the time.

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A List of Foreign Officials and Their Roles

The employment of foreign experts was a widespread practice across Asia during this period. Here are a few more examples:

• Gustave-Émile Boissonade (Japan): A French legal scholar hired by the Meiji government to help draft Japan's modern civil code in the late 19th century. His work was essential for establishing a modern legal framework, helping Japan transition from a feudal society to a nation-state.

• George Washington Williams (Japan): An American military officer who served as a foreign advisor to the Japanese military during the early Meiji period. He was one of several foreign experts who helped train the Imperial Japanese Army to adopt modern military tactics and organization.

• Dr. Georg Böhmer (Korea): A German physician who became a medical advisor to the Korean government in the late 19th century. He was vital in establishing modern medical institutions and introducing Western medical practices to the country.

• Hermann von Keyserlingk (Persia/Iran): A German diplomat and military officer who became an advisor to the Persian government in the early 20th century. He contributed to the modernization and training of the Persian armed forces.

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From Globalized Governance to National Sovereignty

These historical examples show a world where national borders were more permeable. Countries were willing to bring in foreign talent for key government roles, often to fill gaps in knowledge and technology. This was a direct result of the pressures of globalization and colonial expansion, as nations felt a need to rapidly modernize to compete or defend themselves.

Today, the idea of a foreigner holding a high-ranking government position—like a military commander or the head of a major government agency—is largely unthinkable in most modern nation-states. Countries have become far more protective of their sovereignty and government roles, seeing them as exclusive to their own citizens. This shift represents a paradox: while we are more globally connected through technology and trade, the trust placed in foreign individuals to hold positions of power within a country’s government has significantly diminished. The world has become less "globalized" in this specific sense than it was 200 years ago.